to this outline must appear more like a collection of detatched remarks, than a tiffue of well-connected occurrences. It could not therefore be perufed with fatisfaction, or advantage by the generality of readers, if they had not at the fame time feveral other books to refer to for the detail of events, as well as for a variety of authentic documents, fome of which were here only glanced at, and others. paffed over in total filence.

In order to remove these inconveniencies, and to render the work as complete as poffible within itself, the Editor has not only fupplied all the neceffary links of the historical chain, but has thrown into the notes every other article of new, or useful information, which he met with in the best publications on the fame fubject. He has also prefixed a fketch of the preceding period from the acceffion of James I. and afterwards taking up the narrative, where it is fuddenly broken off by the original writer, towards the close of Charles the fecond's reign, he has continued it, though in a fummary manner, to the Revolution. The value of fuch a work, if well executed, is fufficiently obvious. But it

would

would ill become the Editor to enlarge on its utility, or importance. He defpifes alike the infinuating arts of affected modefty, and the authoritative language of prefumptuous confidence. The merit of his labours will foon be decided upon by the candid and discerning, to whofe judgment he chearfully fubmits; and whofe approbation, or cenfure, must have more weight with the public than any frivolous attempt on his part, either to court the one, or to elude the feverity of the other.

VOL. I.

b

SKETCHES

SKETCHES

OF THE

CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY OF ENGLAND,

FROM THE

ACCESSION OF THE STEWART FAMILY

TILL THE

RESTORATION.

JAMES I.

O prince, perhaps, ever mounted the Eng

NF

lifh throne with a more favourable opportunity of rendering himfelf popular, his reign glorious, and his fubjects happy than James I. The brilliant fucceffes of the late administration had not fo completely difguifed the cenfurable parts of Elizabeth's conduct as to reconcile the people-to her frequent encroachments upon their rights. Divefting themselves, therefore, of all their old prejudices against the Scotch, they received with open arms, and with the warmeft teftimonies of joy, their new king, of whofe liberal fentiments in religious matters, and of whofe great abilities for civil government, they had conceived very flattering ideas. But Nature had never defigned James for any higher office than to fuperintend a school, or,

at most, to rule a college in the country that gave him birth; not to prefide over a great, independent, and aspiring nation. Full of the most extravagant notions of the royal prerogative, and bloated with a ftill more ridiculous conceit of his own learning, judgment, and even infallibility, he expected from paffive fubjects a tame fubmiffion to all his fovereign dictates; and looked upon public councils, or parliamentary affemblies merely as the ornaments, not the effentials of the conftitution *.

Happily for this country, James was too much the dupe of his own abfurd fyftem to think diffimulation, policy, or force neceffary for its fupport. He regarded as indifputable his title to the exercife of the powers, however arbitrary, which had been occafionally affumed by his predeceffors of the House of Tudor. He never reflected, that the non-refiftance of the people in those reigns was owing to a variety of caufes which now ceafed to operate. Upon the advancement of Henry VII. to the throne, moft of the ancient nobility had been cut off in the long and bloody contefts between the families of York and Lancaster; and

* In a book written by James on what he calls the True Law of free Monarchy, he expressly afferts, that "the parliament is nothing else but the head-court of the king and his vassals; that the laws are but craved by his fubjects; and that, in short, he is above the law."

the