would not be justified in accepting the charter, unless they could satisfactorily show that the Company would be able to fulfil all its engagements. He saw with the deepest concern this mode of legislat ing, which in a few years would inevita bly lead to the Company's bankruptcy, and the consequent assumption of their lost power by the government. passed the Committee pro forma. The Report was received and ordered to be taken into further consideration on Thursday. HOUSE OF LORDS. VOTE OF CREDIT.] On the order of the day for the consideration of the Prince Regent's Message, The Earl of Liverpool said he did not think it necessary to take up the time of the House by going at any length into this subject. Whatever difference of opinion there might be as to the present state of affairs in Europe, or as to the system of policy that had been adopted, all must agree in the necessity of enabling the government to take advantage of any circumstances that might arise during the recess of parliament. The sum was undoubtedly considerable, but when it was considered that we were now carrying on operations on a most extensive scale in the south of Europe, in the peninsula, and when the present situation of affairs in the north of Europe was also considered, the sum would not appear more than sufficient. His lordship concluded by moving an Address to the Prince Regent, concurring in the object of his Royal Highness's Message. Lord Castlereagh declared that he had never heard a speech of less solid argument, nor one less likely to prevent the House from coming to a determination, than that just delivered by the right hon. gentleman. He seemed to be anxious that the eloquence which he expended in vain on parliament should not be lost elsewhere; but, for his own part, he hoped the proprietors understood true policy better than to refuse such a charter. Did the right hon. gentleman think that the prosperity or downfall of India depended on the extension of the imports to the outports? As the right hon. gentleman seemed anxious to apply his arguments to practical purposes rather than to make an impression upon principles, he would gratify him by moving that the House do now resolve itself into a Committee on the Bill. Mr. R. Thornton complimented the liberality with which the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Tierney,) had come forward in defence of the East India Company, but Lord Holland declined, at the present denied that the responsibility would rest moment, and on so short a notice, enterupon the Court of Directors, if they ac- ing into the complicated details which cepted the charter, for he contended that the present situation of Europe involved, the responsibility was with parliament. but he felt he should not discharge his The Company had formerly been a joint duty if he did not state (and that opinion stock company; they were now to be- he meant to record) that a great opportucome a government company, and he hop-nity had presented itself to ministers, either ed in God they would not end in a bankrupt company. Mr. Marryat contended strongly, that the Bill ought to have contained a clause similar to one of the Resolutions submitted to that House, for withholding from India-built ships, the privileges intended to be conferred upon British ships. He maintained that such a provision was of vital importance. Mr. C. Grant, jun. defended the conduct of the East India Company in respect to the management of their territorial revenues, and contended that by the proposed system the greatest dangers would result to the interests of the Company by the establishment of Europeans in India. After Mr. Fawcett had said a few words, the House went into a committee, and on the motion of lord Castlereagh, the Bill of effecting a permanent peace, or of proving the rejection by the enemy of fair and honorable terms, which would have prevented him from making the exertions be had made to renew the war, and which op portunity they had lost. This opportu nity presented itself at the termination of the last campaign, and they had no information whatever of any effort having been made, either for the attainment of peace, or in the failure of effecting that upon fair and honourable terms, for a vigorous prosecution of the war. Had propositions been offered, such as were consistent with the honor and character of the country, at the time of the return of the emperor of the French to Paris, from his disastrous campaign in Russia, could there be a doubt that either peace must have been the result, or that it would them to a very different source; namely, a wish on the part of the ruler of France to deter the allies from transmitting overtures, which by their moderation, would, if rejected, have placed him clearly in the wrong, in the eyes of his own people. Had moderate proposals been sent, either this would have been their issue, or in consequence of their acceptance, the House would not now have been called upon to vote away millions of the subjects" money, who, on the contrary, would have been enjoying the blessings of peace. He would allow that it might prove inconve have been rendered manifest to the people of France, that the war only continued in consequence of the ambitious projects of their emperor; and must not this conviction have prevented him from making those astonishing exertions he had made in the present campaign? Instead of this we had acted as recruiting serjeants to the emperor of the French, and bad contributed by the absence of that frank and manly policy to swell his ranks. His lordship concluded by moving an Amendment, stating the desire of the House, that no opportunity might be omitted which might afford an opening to a secure and honora-nient to send over a negociator fettered by ble peace. a parliamentary declaration on the subThe Earl of Liverpool spoke shortly inject of peace; but as ministers had negreply. The noble lord had fairly stated the ground of his amendment to be, the distrust which he entertained of his Majesty's government, and his belief that peace might have been obtained, had it been attempted by ministers; but in opposition to this opinion, there was better authority than that of the noble lord, and that was the authority of the ruler of France, who after his flight from Moscow and return to Paris, now had declared in one of his papers the terms on which he would treat and he would leave it to the House to judge, whether it would have been consistent with the honor and the interest of this country to have accepted of them. But whatever opinion might be held of the practicability of peace, sure he was, that nothing was more likely to defeat that object than the adoption of the noble lord's Amendment. lected every opportunity since the commencement of the session, though during all that period not a syllable had been said that could embarrass their proceedings, on that momentous topic, he thought it too much that they should now call for farther confidence:-prima facie, at least, there seemed a disinclination on their part to negociate, which would authorise the House to interfere. All that was known of the operations of ministers, in this campaign, was their adherence to a measure of spoliation and robbery, and an attempt to establish a new great power in the North, the policy of which was extremely questionable; yet they called upon parliament, not only to continue its confidence, but to vote them five millions more of the people's money. PROTEST AGAINST THE REJECTION OF THE AMENDMENT TO THE ADDRESS FOR A VOTE OF CREDIT.] The following Protest was entered on the Journals: The Amendment was then put and neThe Earl of Lauderdale said he perfect-the original question was carried. gatived without a division: after which ly agreed with his noble friend, not only as to the propriety of his Amendment, but in every sentiment he had uttered. On these grounds the noble earl made a variety of observations. He felt that the executive government of this country not coming forward in the way contemplated by his noble friend, enabled the ruler of "First, Because the Amendment, if France to make those great and success- adopted, would have left his Majesty's goful exertions for a more vigorous prosecu-vernment unfettered by any opinion of tion of hostilities: and he thought the this House as to the time, the terms, or noble earl opposite, from the view he took the mode of treating for peace. of it, must have misconceived the nature and effect of his noble friend's Amend ment. "Dissentient' "Secondly, Because, in our present state of imperfect information, a humble but firm representation of our hopes, that Lord Holland wished to observe, that no opportunity for negociation might be he did not know to what particular paper improvidently neglected, appeared both of Buonaparte's the noble earl had allud-prudent and necessary, when we were called; but if such arrogant and unreasonable ed upon to extend our confidence to per demands, as had been represented, were sons, who, during a period of unexpected really contained in it, he should ascribe success, had given no public proofs of ተ disposition to restore the invaluable blessing of peace. "The disastrous retreat of the French armies from Russia last winter seemed to afford an opportunity of negociating with dignity and success, and no overture made to the emperor of France at that period has been communicated to parliament, nor any reason publicly alleged for not resorting to such a measure. It would then have been easy to devise, and honourable to propose such conditions of peace, as, without humiliating the pride, or interfering with the internal government of France, would, if acceded to, have secured the independence of all powers directly or indirectly allied with his Majesty, and would, if rejected, have exposed to the indignation of Europe the unjust pretensions of the enemy. Prudence and magnanimity concur in recommending moderation in the hour of success, and the truth of this maxim is painfully proved in the present melancholy consequences of an opposite system of conduct. The omission of all public overtures for peace, and of all distinct declarations of the object of the war, has obviously enabled our enemy to recruit his armies, to animate his people, and to retrieve his affairs, by imputing to Great Britain and her allies designs which it was convenient to his purposes to suppose, but which it was the interest and duty of his Majesty's government, by the most public and unequivocal acts, to disclaim. HOLLAND. LAUDERDALE." HOUSE OF COMMONS. Tuesday, June 29. VICTUALLERS' BILL.] Mr. Rose moved the order of the day for the third reading of the Bill. Mr. Croker, after a few observations of the same tendency as he urged against the report being received last night, moved that the Bill be read a third time this day three months. Mr. Rose said, that if this Bill should be thrown out, it would be impossible for the public to receive their beer in a less quantity than one gallon. He should, however, if that was the case, move tomorrow for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the Act of Geo. 1, in that respect; but he hoped the House would save him the trouble, by passing the present Bill. Mr. Croker said, he hoped the House would put an end to this question, by throwing out the present Bill, which was nothing but a squabble about pewter pots. The publicans wished to throw the expence of these from their own shoulders on those of the lower orders of the people, who, from long habits, had obtained a relish for their humble beverage in pewter vessels; and he saw no reason why the House should interfere to prevent them from enjoying what they deemed a considerable comfort. He had also another objection, which was, that if this Bill passed, it would tend to drive the lower classes into tipling-houses; for if they could not drink their favourite liquor out of pewter at their own homes, they would, of course, be driven to seek for it, where alone they could find it, in the public houses. Mr. Rose thought the passing of the Bill would have the direct contrary effect from that stated by his hon. friend, of driving the lower classes into tiplinghouses. He hoped, therefore, the present Bill would pass, as the Act of Geo. 1, to prevent publicans from sending out porter in less quantity than a gallon, was in full force, and if this Bill were rejected, the publicans were determined to enforce that Act. It was as much for the interests of the lower classes of the people, as for those of the publicans, that he wished this Bill to pass. Mr. Whitbread said, the wish of the publicans was not to be obliged to send out their porter in pewter pots; they were willing to send it out in pots made of block tin, which was equally clean and neat in their appearance, as he had shewn by specimens which he had last session produced to the committee of the House. Mr. Peel objected to the Bill as an object of legislation, de minimis, which parliament ought not to enter upon. He thought the House should shew their disapprobation of it in a marked manner, by at once rejecting the Bill, which would otherwise be brought in from session to session, to the great waste of the time of the House. Besides, if it were really the fact, that the public preferred drinking their porter out of pewter pots, he could not conceive on what grounds the House should interfere to prevent them from doing so. Mr. Marryat objected to the Bill, as legislating in matters of taste; and he could see no good reason for so doing. Mr. W. Smith spoke in favour of the Bill, as tending to promote the morals of 961] Motion respecting the Importation of Cotton Wool. JUNE 29, 1815. the younger part of the people, great numbers of whom were tempted to steal those pewter pots; and if that temptation were taken away, it would in his opinion be productive of considerable good. Mr. Goldbourn was against the Bill, as being, in his opinion, unworthy the serious attention of the House. A division then took place. For Mr. Croker's Amendment 35; Against it 32. So that the Bill was lost by a majority of 3. LOCAL TOKENS BILL.] On the motion for the third reading of this Bill, Mr. Grenfell rose to offer some observations on the copper local tokens. He said these had been productive of much inconvenience in many parts of the country, which was in great measure owing to the wretched state of the copper coinage of the country. Many tradesmen were obliged to take the bad halfpence, and not being able afterwards to pass them, were compelled to sell them as base metal at 8d. per lb. Sixteen of the good penny pieces weighed a pound, and it took 73 of these halfpence, so that their loss was the difference between 16 and 75. He thought however, he could propose a remedy that was practicable, easy, immediate, and effectual. This was the entire suppression of the local copper tokens, and to stop the circulation of what were called old Tower halfpence, which were a constant source of temptation to counterfeit that species of coin. He hoped the government would take the subject seriously into consideration, in preference to his doing so; but if they did not do it early in the next ses sion, he certainly would. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, the evil mentioned by the hon. gentleman had already attracted the attention of government, and was now under consideration. Inquiries had already been made, but it was not yet determined how to proceed. The Bill was then read a third time and passed. ASSIZE OF BREAD BILL.] On the motion for taking into further consideration the report on this Bill, Mr. W. Smith said he thought it very wrong, that a Bill of this importance, which considerably affected the lower classes of the people, and interfered with the duty of the magistrates throughout the country, should be attempted to be passed at this late period of the session. He was by no means of opinion that the Bill should never (VOL. XXVI.) [962 pass; but he thought it should be printed, with the tables annexed, and circulated through the country during the recess of parliament, so that all descriptions of persons might be able to form a due opinion of it. This would only defer the measure a few months, and then it might be made to answer the ends proposed. He therefore, moved as an amendment, "That the report be further considered this day three months." Mr. Huskisson differed with the hon gentleman who had just sat down. The question was, whether the law, as it now stood, did not subject the baker to sell his bread without a fair remuneration? If this was the case, and the act of parliament on which it rested had been in force fifty years without any alteration, he thought the House ought to interfere for the purpose of ameliorating the condition of the bakers, in doing which they would only be shewing a due consideration to a very respectable and valuable body of meu. He, therefore, opposed the amendment: Mr. F. Lewes contended that the measure had been fully discussed in the committee to whom the petitions of the country bakers had been referred. All the country. bakers did not petition for the Bill, but those only where the allowance made to them was inadequate. The Report was agreed to, and the Bill ordered to be read a third time on Thursday. To MOTION RESPECTING THE IMPORTATION OF COTTON WOOL.] Mr. Alderman Atkins, in rising to bring forward his motion on this subject, said, he had flattered himself, that, previous to this time, his Majesty's ministers would have done something on this measure. He supposed, however, they had delayed doing so to afford an opportunity to the House to declare its sense on the subject. The object of his motion now would be to prevent the importation of American cotton during the continuance of the war. induce the House to adopt such a measure, he was persuaded it would only be necessary for him to advert to the petitions which had been presented to the House on the subject. He had himself, on a former night, presented a petition, signed by upwards of 250 most respectable merchants, importers of cotton, stating, that notwithstanding the war, large quantities of American cotton were imported into this country, direct from the United (3 Q) States, and notwithstanding our having at present a sufficient supply on our hands, received from the Brazils and from our own colonies. It would, perhaps, be said, that the blockade of the American ports would prevent the future import of American cotton. He was, however, prepared to prove, that large quantities had found their way into this country, notwithstanding that blockade; and he now called on the House to adopt such a measure as should in future prevent the enemy from deriving resources from thus disposing of their staple commodity, and to encourage our own colonies and allies, by taking the cotton which we wanted for our consumption from them; it would be, he contended, particularly desirable to encou rage the growth of cotton in India, which, he was convinced, if properly fostered, would furnish a supply fully adequate to our wants. The House would, perhaps, be surprised when he stated to them, that there were at present in the Company's warehouses upwards of 26,000,000lbs. of cotton unsold, and that upwards of 20.000,000lbs. had been sold besides to manufacturers He then adverted to se veral other petitions, and particularly to one from the cotton-spinners of Paisley, in which the petitioners prayed the House to prevent the importation of American cotton during the war, on the grounds of the impolicy of receiving from them the raw material, whilst they refused admission to our manufactured goods: since, if they refused to take manufactured goods, they must be paid in specie, and we were thus supplying them with the sinews of war: whilst, on the contrary, the Brazils took our manufactured goods in return for the raw material taken from them. All these reasons, the honourable alderman observed would, he hoped, induce the House to adopt the measure which he would conclude with recommending. It might be said, by excluding the American cotton, we should risk having a suffieient supply for our necessities. In his opinion, there was no room for such apprehensions. The consumption in our manufactures was about 75,000,000lbs. | annually, or about 1,500,000lbs. per week. Now we had at present on hand upwards of 86,000,000lbs. we could, in six months, receive a supply of 40,000,000lbs. from the Brazils, and in the same period, our own colonies would produce us 20,000,000lbs. to which might be added casual supplies; and we might thus look forward to a supply, as at present on hand, for two years. The hon. alderman then adverted, also, to the petition from the manufactu rers and merchants of the city of London, which was well entitled to the consideration of the House,-which stated, tha: they had cotton sufficient for a year's consumption, that they could promise a sufficient quantity for the use of our manufactures, and hoped for the protection of the House. He then took notice of the resolution of the merchants of Glasgow, which stated, that the importation of American cotton amounted to the sum of a million and a half, which, if allowed to take place, while they refused to admit our manufactures, would be enabling them to carry on the war against us with the specie sent from this country, while they were distressing us to the utmost of their power by their non-importation of our manufactures. He read a copy of a letter from a very considerable manufacturer in Lancashire, which stated that the Bourbon cotton was capable of being used to great advantage in our manufactures; that if encouragement were given to the cotton of our own islands, we might very soon hope to carry on our manufactures without the use of American cotton at all; that he bad of late lessened the quantity very materially, and now did not use mora than 400lbs. of American cotton per week. The hon. alderman said, that in order to remedy the evils and disadvantages which he had enumerated, he should first move, “That the Act 43 Geo. 3, c. 153, to permit during the continuance of hostilities, and until six months after the ratification of a definitive treaty of peace, the impor tation into Great Britain and Ireland, in neutral vessels, from states in amity with his Majesty, of certain goods, wares, and merchandize; and to empower his Ma jesty, by order in council, to prohibit the exportation of copper, and to permit the importation in neutral vessels from states not in amity with his Majesty, of certain goods, wares, and merchandize," might be read; and secondly, "That this House will resolve itself into a committee of the whole House, to consider of so much of the said Act as relates to the importing of cotton wool in neutral ships." Mr. Finlay expressed his earnest hope, that before the House should agree to the motion, they would go into the examination of the evidence necessary to establish the truth of the positions advanced by the worthy alderman. He did not wish to |