MONIES issued to Baron de Rehausen, by the Paymaster-General, under warrants of the Lords Commissioners of his Majesty's Treasury :Warrant dated 1st June, 1813... £.75,000 0 0 75,000 0 0 £.150,000 0

Total.............364,992 5 94

Memorandum of Swedish troops arrived at Stralsund :

Foreign Office, June 16, 1813. "It appears by the latest advices received from his Majesty's servants on the continent, that successive divisions of Swedish troops had arrived at Stralsund from their different points of embarkation in Sweden: the total strength of which (exclusive of a corps of Pomeranians) is stated to amount to about 28,000 men.'

EAST INDIA COMPANY'S AFFAIRS.] The order of the day being read for the further consideration of the Resolutions, which, on the 5th instant, were reported from the Committee of the whole House, to whom it was referred to consider of the Affairs of the East India Company, the fourth Resolution was read and agreed to. Upon the fifth Resolution being read,

Mr. Creevey said, that after the disposal of the profits by the existing Act, which had never been attended to, the present Resolution could only arise from parliamentary infatuation. He should not op pose it, but when all the Resolutions came to be disposed of, he should endeavour in two or three concise Resolutions to express the real state of the Company's affairs. This Resolution, together with the 6th, was agreed to.

The question being put on the seventh Resolution,

Mr. Creevey observed, that this Resolution, which obliged the Company to separate their political from their commercial accounts, would be of no avail, as the Company would, according to custom, refer every thing to political expence.

Lord Castlereagh said, that the Company would be checked by the Board of Controul.

The Resolution was agreed to. The eighth Resolution, concerning India-built shipping, was negatived, lord Castlereagh having stated, that it was his intention to omit this subject in the Bill.

On reading the ninth Resolution, Mr. Creevey objected to the Company making dividends, without having in fact

any profits; whereas, in former times, they applied to parliament, when the funds out of which those dividends were payable were not sufficient, and this wholesome practice gave the House a paramount controul over their management. By their charter the dividends were to be paid out of the surplus of the territorial revenue in India, after discharging the necessary expences, but now they were in the practice of making dividends for themselves at any rate, and for which they provided by loans or any other way they thought most convenient. It was not to he endured, that after the experience the House had had, the Company should have another lease of 20 years, to go on precisely in the same manner. He thought it necessary, in consequence, to provide a clause by which they should be prevented from making dividends for themselves, unless they had really a surplus of territorial revenue, and obliging them, in case this should fail, to apply to parliament.

Mr. Preston thought the Company ought to have their funds at their own disposal, unless parliament should come forward to gurantee the payment of their dividends.

Lord Castlereagh denied that the Company's dividends were to be paid out of their territorial funds. The trade with China alone was sufficient to cover their dividends. Their dividends were paid out of the net produce of their sales at home.

Mr. Creevey thought the noble lord and he differed only in appearance, but not in point of fact. The dividends were from the net produce of the sales, but these sales were from investments made in India, on the faith of the territorial revenue.

Lord Castlereagh said, it was the intention of the Resolution to prevent the Company from applying their territorial revenue to purposes of commerce without the special consent of the Board of Controul, as there would, in that case, be an unfair competition against the private trader.

Sir John Newport wished to have some parliamentary check on the Company, with respect to their dividends, as the Company, he contended, had been known to borrow money from this country, and send it out to India, for the purpose of procuring investments, out of which the dividends have been paid here.

The Resolution was then agreed to, as were also the tenth and eleventh Resolutions.

Lord Castlereagh then moved the third

Resolution, which had been previously | postponed.

morrow.

Lord Castlereagh was anxious to afford every accommodation; but any postponement till to-morrow would be extremely inconvenient, as there were other matters of sufficient importance to occupy the whole of to-morrow night.

The third Resolution having been read, Mr. Baring was aware of the inconvenience which would arise from delaying the progress of this important question, and could only have been induced to propose the postponement of the consideration of the third Resolution, in the apprehension that the time of the House might be occupied in discussing those which remained. As, however, it was thought expedient not to acquiesce in his suggestion, he should take the liberty of proposing an amendment, which was consistent with that his right hon. friend (Mr. Tierney) had in contemplation. The object of the present Resolution was to throw open the trade to India altogether. This was a measure of so much importance, that he thought it ought not to be adopted with too much precipitation. He thought it much better that the proposed alteration in the trade as it at present existed, should be effected gradually, and to this end he conceived the best course to pursue, in the first instance, would be, at the same time that vessels were allowed to sail from every port of the empire to India, that in their return they should be confined to the port of London only. He meant not by this arrangement to confine the trade ultimately to the port of London, but he did think that such a mode of proceeding would tend to dissipate many of those alarms which were now felt in the contemplation of the intended changes. As it respected the merchants, this arrangement would be found most advantageous; and, in the end, he was inclined to think that all parties would find themselves in a more beneficial situation. By this plan, also, the gentlemen of the out-ports would have an opportunity of trying that expe

the port of London could have no particular claim to preference, except so far as it was best calculated to answer the purposes of the merchants in general. Establishments had been formed in the port of London, however, with the view of affording facilities to a trade of such magnitude, which did not exist in other ports, and he thought it but fair that those persons who had embarked in these establishments should have every encouragement which circumstances would allow, and not be hurled at once into ruin. By taking this sort of middle course, that asperity of disappointment, which, under other circumstances, might arise, would be avoided, and the measure would be regarded in a less obnoxious light. If the House agreed to the amendment which he should propose, it would be easy to suggest other regulations which its adoption would naturally require. The House might not be inclined to agree in the view which he took of the case, but, in all events, he entreated them, in making the experiment they had in view, to be cautious, and weigh well the possible results as well to private individuals as to the nation at large. The hon. gentleman concluded by moving an amendment, the object of which was to confine the return of vessels from India to the port of London. If this amendment was agreed to, he should propose such a limited period for the continuance of the arrangement, as the House might be disposed to agree to. He would, for the present, propose five years.

Mr. Grenfell supported the amendment, on the ground that such a limitation would operate to the better security of the revenue, and would offer a more convenient market for foreigners.

Sir John Newport opposed the general principle of the third Resolution, and said, that the amendment of the hon. gentleman only went to confine the delusion to a shorter period than that which the Resolution itself proposed. If it really was the interest of the merchants to make their return to the port of London, they had it in their power so to do under the present clause it was unnecessary, therefore, to come to any specific regulation for that purpose. In his opinion, the out-ports had already ceded too much, and had got

much less than they had a right to expect; he must object, therefore, to any proposition which tended, in the slightest degree, to lessen those privileges which the noble lord was inclined to grant them. The object of the hon. gentleman who moved the amendment, seemed to be, to bring under the eye and controul of the East India Company those persons who were their competitors in trade. This was the very thing which he deprecated. What he was anxious for was, that the trade should be perfectly free and unshackled. To attain this, he had already used his most strenuous exertions, and having failed, it now only remained for him to take care that no new shackles were imposed, or no new measure adopted, the effect of which would be, to render the arrangements of the noble lord more oppressive than they at present really were. He should, therefore, give his decided negative to the amendment of his hon. friend.

Mr. Finlay advocated the claims of the out-ports, and contended that they only asked to participate in the same advantages which were already enjoyed by the Americans. He denied that the opening of the trade to India was a matter of experiment, on the contrary, he was satisfied that the House would agree with him in believing, that from the evidence which had been submitted, the certainty of success was clear and manifest. As to danger, none was to be apprehended. Those gentlemen who had been examined at the bar, had distinctly stated, that no apprehensions were to be entertained that any considerable number of persons would attempt to settle in India, and if they did, the regulations which were there in existence would be quite adequate to prevent the recurrence of any ill consequences from such an event. With respect to the proposition of the hon. gentleman who moved the amendment, he thought it one of the most extraordinary he had ever heard. It was neither more nor less than saying to the out-ports, "we will grant you a free trade to India, but will deprive you, by bringing you to the port of London, of the advantages which you would be likely to derive from such a privilege." He denied that it was the interest of the merchants of the out-ports to bring their goods to the port of London. He would ask, could it be the interest of the manufacturers of Lancashire to have their cottons brought to London instead of to

Liverpool? Would it not be far more for their benefit to have the raw material of their manufactures brought to that port which was most convenient to the place of its consumption? For his own part, he was distinctly of opinion that the out-ports should be perfectly free to take their cargoes to whatever place, in their own opinion, might be most conducive to their interests. With regard to the alarm which was felt respecting the collection of the revenue, he denied that any just ground existed for such an alarm, and contended that the smuggling in the out-ports was nothing when compared with the port of London. If this argument was once ad. mitted it might as well be said that the vessels from the West Indies and other places should be excluded from the outports.

Mr. Protheroe said, the merchants of the out-ports were infinitely obliged to the hon. gentleman who had moved the amendment for the care which he seemed to take of their interests. They could hardly help regarding his professed friendship for them, however, with some degree of distrust, when they recollected that he had come down that night, as the professed representative of a right hon. gentleman (Mr. Tierney), who was the acknowledged advocate of the East India Company

"Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes." The general policy of the measure prepared for the consideration of the House was so evident, that it required little argument to support it. Nothing could be more satisfactory to him than to find that the general merits of this measure had been acceded to by the House upon no other evidence than that which had been presented by the India Company itself. The out-ports had an immense body of evidence which they could have brought forward, but this he was extremely happy to find was wholly unnecessary. In couclusion, the hon. gentleman said he perfectly agreed in what had fallen from the hon. member who spoke last.

Mr. Robert Thornton observed, that there had been already so much said on the subject, that he should have felt it unnecessary to make any further remarks, but that he was influenced by a sense of duty to enter his protest against the measures that were in contemplation, which he considered most dangerous and detrimental to the country. The cause of the success of the Americans in the trade to India consisted in their neutral character, and he

"Little Water Wagtail, come and be killed." The gentlemen of the out-ports were ready to be killed-they embraced the delusion, and would suffer destructive consequences. If no beneficial effect could be proved to be likely to arise, the proposed change should not take place. They should not, with a sweeping hand, turn adrift those numerous classes of persons who had been ingrafted on the present system for a period of 200 years. It was true, that in one sense their lease was out, but he had always heard, that when the tenant had been an improving and eligible one, a sensible landlord seldom refused a renewal of it, unless when a much greater benefit could be expected by not doing so, which was not the case in the present instance. A great statesman, now no more, had once exclaimed, Perish commerce-live the constitution!" he would adopt his words, and apply them to the proposed commerce of the out-ports-he would say, Perish that commerce-live the constitution! Live the country! Live all that was valuable, either in this country or in India! It was for the good of the whole empire that every commodity should be brought from India to the port of London. The Company were often taunted with having given up the export trade, by some gentlemen, while others charged them with not being disposed to give up any thing. Now, he thought it rather hard to be taunted in both ways, and the fact was, that they had never given up the export trade, there had been only something said of it in conversation. The present measure, he contended, was the consequence of disappointment in every other trade, for which the Company were now to suffer. In this spirit of blind speculation skates and warming-pans had been sent to a climate where ice was a phenomenon totally unknown. Scrambling and clamour would surely attend the opening of the trade, which, he thought, should be more wisely confined to Billingsgate than extended to the out-ports. With re

Mr. Rose said, that he saw some difficulties in deciding upon the present question, but from a fair and impartial consideration of all the circumstances, he thought it, on the whole, most desirable, that the East India Company should acquiesce in the regulations which had been submitted to the legislature. On one point he entertained no doubt, that of giving the import trade to the out-ports, when they gave them the export trade. The inconveniences which would result from changing place, from delays which would arise by the necessity of having two warehouses, instead of the merchant bringing his cargo at once to his own door, and the loss of time in waiting for the sales of the Company, three, four, or five months, would be productive of great loss and injury to the merchant at the out-port, who might thus lose the opportunity of re-ship. ping his goods for another market. Such a proposition appeared to him to be the merest mockery. Much had been said also of the danger which would be incurred in the department of the revenue, by suffering the out-ports to import direct from India, but this apprehended danger, he did not hesitate to say, appeared to him most visionary. The Company had laid much more stress on the evidence of Mr. Vivian, the solicitor of the excise, than on that of the commissioners of customs and excise. For his part, he knew Mr. Vivian, and entertained the highest respect for his character and ability, but he was the last person whom he would consent to take as authority upon the subject, nor had he ever read any thing more misconceived than his evidence. He had said so to Mr. Vivian himself, for he would assert nothing there that he had not mentioned in his presence. For his own part, he believed there was more danger of smuggling in the port of London, than all the rest of the kingdom. The facilities for illicit practice from the channel up to London on each side were innumerable, nor with all the assiduity that could be exerted, was it found possible to prevent it. The right hon. gentleman then commented