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had long experience, that the opposers of the present measure were now contending. They were contending for an untried, unmitigated, monopoly; a monopoly which had not one of the features of pallication which belonged to the existing system. Indeed, even the hon. baronet near him, the representative of London (sir W. Curtis) had seen this, and with great candour declared that he could not justify the opening of the trade to London only. Mr. C. could not repeat what he had for merly said upon the general expediency of the measure proposed by the ministers; but he would contend that to amend the resolutions as proposed, so as to open the trade to London only, was the most unreasonable proposition that had been offered to the House; it certainly would be liable to every one of the objections which had been urged against the more complete extension, for it could not seriously be argued that if the natives of India were to be oppressed, it signified to them whether the oppressors came from London or from Glasgow. He for one was of opinion that if the House could not open the trade beyond the port of London, they had better leave it as it was. But he was confident that the only reason stated against the admission of the out-ports into the trade, was quite unsubstantial. He ventured to aver, that the gentleman, (Mr. Vivian) whose evidence had been chiefly relied on in regard to the smuggling of tea, had shewn himself unacquainted with the leading circumstances of the case. He alluded particularly to the privilege enjoyed by foreigners of bringing tea or any thing else, in ships of any burthen, to any part of Europe, and of course up the British channel. These facilities for smuggling, and the practice of fraudulent exportation, for the purpose of relanding, of tea purchased at the Company's sales, and the opportunity moreover of sending tea on shore from the Company's own ships, all existed and might again exist under the present system of monopoly; so that if there should be sufficient temptation to smuggle, the means would not be wanting, whether the trade be opened or not. Admitting the private vessels to the port of London only would be attended with all the dangers arising in the Channel, described by all as the most dangerous to the revenue. Mr. C. referred to the Report of the Revenue Committee in 1782, to shew that some of the very points now urged as securities belonging to the mono

poly, were then noticed as circumstances of hazard, resulting from that system, particularly the arrival of the Indian ships, at regular seasons and in large fleets. On the whole Mr. C. expressed his decided opinion that the apprehensions entertained were entirely groundless.

One hon. director had mentioned as an evil which might probably result from the free trade, the transfer of British capital to India; Mr. C. distinctly stated that probability as being in his opinion one of the recommendations of the measure; he observed that lord Wellesley had no such apprehension in 1798, but for his own part he considered that transfer as one grand step towards the improvement of India, a point which throughout these discussions he had always kept in view, and which made him anxious and zealous as he was for the freedom of the trade. He thought that India had a right to look for a participation in all the advantages which we possessed, and he would carry this sentiment so far as to say, that although it might be thought that at a distant period India would avail herself of the resources which we had given her, so as to separate herself from us, it would be a dispensation of Providence to which we were bound to submit.

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32, l. 7 from bottom, for I, read and; for enquiry, passim, read inquiry.

Sir J. Hippisley, in his reply, (which was omitted in the report of the debate on his motion) observed, that, among the objections stated by Mr. Grattan, to the concession of such a committee as had been moved, was that "of recording animosities": If the admission that such animosities bad existed, be in itself objectionable, surely the preamble of Mr. Grattan's Bill must be equally open to objection, as it dis tinctly avowed the existence of such" animosities" though it was desirable to "bury them in oblivion" [Sir J. H. here read that part of the preamble].-The great

on the same recent occasion, when Mr. Grattan moved his Bill, the same right hon. gentleman who had introduced the additional clauses, had likewise pledged his support of the present motion. Uniform as his own opinions and declarations had been on this subject, sir J. H. was at a loss to discover the soundness of the right hon. gentleman's present objections. The right hon. gentleman seemed to have succeeded, however, in producing an impression on the House very adverse to the success of the present motion, though if it failed, sir J. H. added, he should think it no less his duty to give notice of renewing it whenever the subject of the Catholic Claims should be again agitated in that House. [Mr. Grattan having given notice on the 1st of June, of his intention of renewing his motion for the introduction of a Bill, early in the next session, for the relief of his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects, sir J. Hippisley, some days afterwards, renewed his notice of a motion for a Select Committee in the same terms as he moved it on the 11th of May.]

length of time to be occupied by such a committee, and which must tend to defeat the Bill before the House, at least for the present session, was another objection urged against the motion,-As to the protraction of time, sir J. H. contended that every essential document, or matter of evidence for such a committee, was ready for immediate production, and required only to be recorded on the report: and here he must remind the House, that in every debate on this question, he had uniformly mentioned and avowed his opinion that no legislative measure ought to take effect previous to the extended circulation of such a report during the interval of the sessions; nor could he forget that even a right hon. gentleman, who had been so diffuse in his animadversions upon the present motion, had, a few weeks since, on the introduction of the Bill now before the House, contended for the propriety of laying before the country, something capable of being seen, felt, touched, and handled."-What could be collected from this declaration but that the country at large were to be put in possession of the grounds of concession before the enact-Errata in the Speech of Mr. Grant, jun. on ment?-in a word, that the enactment should stand over to another session, which the right hon. gentleman himself, in as many words, indeed avowed.-Nor could he easily forget (sir J. H. observed) that

Indian affairs.

Page 440, for "The date upon which it should, &c." read "The data, &c." 449, for" amidst its voluminous evils” read "voluminous coils."

APPENDIX

APPENDIX

TO THE

PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES,

VOL. XXVI.

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III. ARREARS AND BALANCES, Heads of these Accounts...

XX

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Accounts from the BANK of ENGLAND relative to BANK NOTES in Circulation, and STAMPED DOLLARS and SILVER TOKENS

........ lxxi, lxxii

I. PUBLIC

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