might enquire, and he would easily verify Mr. Croker replied to the questions put by the noble lord, that the government had at all times been very watchful over the harbour duty, but that it had not taken any new steps since the suggestions of the noble lord. He had never heard of any disposition in the seamen, taken by the Americans, to run away to the back settlements; nor of forty men being brought back by force. The exchange of prisoners was broke off, in consequence of some wrong done to the British seamen, and not in consequence of any fault of theirs. The Resolution was then negatived without a division: STIPENDIARY CURATES' BILL.] On the order of the day for going into a Committee on this Bill, of the official persons he had mentioned would be held as a better source from whence the revenue of curates might be supplied, than the profits of incumbents little richer than the persons to be benefited. The only good thing in the Bill was an appearance of bon-hommie, in wishing curates to be well paid,-without, however, devising any good means for doing so. If curates were to be paid out of the emoluments of the clergy, the charge should fall on the highest as well as on the lowest. Mr. Abercromby supported the Bill, which was consistent with the principle of former Acts, and with the conditions on which the freeholds of the church were held; namely, the due performance of sacred duties. The Bill went to secure an adequate compensation to bim who discharged the duties of another who ought to discharge them himself. If a bishop of Durham, for instance, perform. ed his various duties by a deputy, at a few hundreds a year, the principle would fairly apply to such a prelate. The Bill was the best protection for the church, either with respect to its own character, or to the inroads of the growing numbers of sectaries, from whom the greatest danger to the church was to be apprehended. He was a sincere friend to a moderate, temperate, orderly church government, and approved of the lenient conduct of the established church, rather than the rigid system of those who were detached from it, greatly, he believed, frem the inefficiency of the establishment. They were the worst friends of the church who opposed such measures. Mr. John Smith considered the means and the end of the Bill, and maintained that the former were harsh, and that the latter was not desirable. The clergy would in no way be benefited by the measure. It would be an invasion of private property; transferring in one-fourth of the livings in the kingdom the benefice from the incumbent to the curate; and operating with a most undue severity on the inMr. Dickenson opposed the Bill as an cumbents possessed of small livings. encroachment on the freehold property there was a stern necessity for such a meaof the church. The principle which this sure, it ought to fall lightly on the poorer Bill laid down of paying curates out of and heavily on the richer class of incumthe profits of the livings of the incumbents. Under all these circumstances he bents, would authorise enquiry into the should oppose the Speaker's leaving the emoluments of bishops, deans, canons, chair. and prebendaries-into the practice of commendam and any other parts of the church establishment. The emoluments If Mr. Rose maintained the necessity of the Bill, and compared the situation of those curates who had small salaries with EAST INDIA COMPANY'S CHARTER BILL.] On the order of the day for taking into further consideration' the Report of the East India Company's Charter Bill being read, many artificers and other workmen who enjoyed an income of much greater value. He pointed out, in particular, the expediency of defending the curate from the oppression of the incumbent. He deprecated any attempt to touch the property of the church; but he contended that the legislature ought to take care that that property was well applied to secure those objects for which the church was esta blished. Mr. Wetherall opposed the Bill, contend ing that the order of poor incumbents would be much more injured than the order of curates would be benefited by it. It was not a tax upon opulence to support indigence; but it was a tax upon indigence to support indigence. Sir Mark Wood described the wretched state of the curates in that part of the country which he had the honour to represent, and trusted that the House would agree to a measure calculated to relieve them. At present they were frequently under the necessity of doing the duty of three or four churches, and the conse: quence was, that the duty was so ill done, that the churches were deserted for conventicles, Mr. Pole Carew thought that the object which the framers of the Bill had in view would not be obtained by it. It was a measure which violated the long established principle that the wages of labour should be allowed to find their own level. It was an unnecessary interference with the episcopal authority, and tended to set the incumbent and the curate at variance with each other. Lord Castlereagh said, as in going through the detail of a long Bill, some inaccuracies had occurred in several of the clauses, he thought the best course they could take would be to recommit the Bill pro forma to night, and print it as amended, the Report could then be brought before them to-morrow in a more complete form, and he hoped gentlemen would have no objection to defer till the Report was so brought up, any further discussion that might appear desirable. Mr. Tierney strongly protested against this precipitancy: the noble lord proposed new clauses, which he very composedly talked of having printed in the course of the night and to have the debate to-morrow, when he knew so many members must be in attendance at the public' breakfast at Carlton House. This was not decent; since that House had been a House, never was any business so scandalously conducted. It was an insult to the House, to the Company, and to the country. The noble lord also thought of forwarding the Bill, even with accelerated expedition in the Lords-and possibly when the Bill went to their lordships, there would not be above 15 peers to debate and deliberate upon it. Ob, admirable decency! The third reading of the Bill would take place when nearly all the members would be out of town, and at such a time a minister was as absolute in power as any man possibly could be in Turkey. The noble lord ought to have a little consideration for the sake of decency, especially when it was remembered how the morning of the forth-coming day was to be occupied. If others had pressed the noble lord for this expedition, he would have referred to that fact, and would have said, "What! can you be so unreasonable as to expect me to be debating here, when I ought to be breakfasting at Carlton House-you ought, The House then resolved itself into a gentlemen, to consider!" Time ought cercommittee, when the Bill received some tainly to be given to take the opinion of amendments, and a clause was introduced the Court of Proprietors upon the Bill, to on the motion of the Chancellor of the know whether they would accept it or not. Exchequer, for empowering the bishop to Lord A. Hamilton thought further opdeduct a part of the curates' salary to-portunities ought to be given for fully diswards keeping the parsonage house in cussing the measure, and wished time to repair. The Report was ordered to be be taken to ascertain the sentiments of the taken into farther consideration on Wed- East India Company. nesday. The Chancellor of the Exchequer supported the Bill. Under the existing system, many parishes were left without the performance of any duty in them, or at best with the duty so performed, as to drive the inhabitants into the meeting-houses of sectaries. Most of the objections that had been made by hon. gentlemen were applicable not to the principle of the Bill, but to some of the clauses, and ought, therefore, to have been reserved for the committee. Mr. Peter Moore maintained, that before this measure could be finally adopted, the Company ought to be consulted, which could not be done but on a general assembly of proprietors, which the directors had not yet called, because they could not see their way clearly through the Bill; and from day to day, their perplexities were increased by the alterations made in the measure. He hoped at least, that the noble lord, in justice, in candour, or even in indulgence, would grant them time sufficient to understand the Bill; that he would in consequence delay the third reading, and, previous to that, give the explanations he had promised on some doubtful and disputed clauses. Lord Castlereagh replied, that as the other House might agree with them, or dissent from them altogether, it was useless to endeavour to obtain the assent of the Company to the measure before it had passed the Lords. So far from its not being known, whether or not it would be accepted by the Company, appearing to him a reason for staying their proceedings, he thought it an argument in favour of accelerating them. It was not intended to inflict this measure on the East India Company. They would certainly be at liberty to accept it or refuse it, but whichever were ultimately resolved upon, he thought it must be the wish of the proprietors that the question should be disposed of by parliament as soon as possible. With respect to the observations of the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Tierney) he had only to say, as he had been so unfortunate as to incur his displeasure, every time the subject had come before the House, during the four months that this 'hurried' measure had been in progress, and as he could not now hope to redeem himself in the right hon. gentleman's estimation, he must continue to pursue that course which appeared to him most conducive to the public interest. Mr. Tierney said, the noble lord, far from improving, as the measure advanced to maturity, grew worse and worse, and it seemed his remonstrances had only the effect of making him a more hardened sinner. He wished to know what the noble lord intended to do if the charter were refused by the directors of the East India Company? This was a question which he believed the noble lord was not prepared to answer. Had he reflected that if this were done he would have to bring in another Bill on the subject even at this late period of the session? Mr. W. Smith agreed with much of what had fallen from his right hon. friend, but thought the East India Company, if wise, would accept of a charter which went a great way towards giving them their 10 per cent. which, from the manner in which they conducted their affairs, they were not likely to make in any other way. Mr. Tierney hoped the hon. gentleman would allow the Company to have an opinion on that subject. Mr. P. Moore denied that the insinuation thrown out by the hon. gentleman was well founded. The Bill was then re-committed pro forma, and some verbal change was made in some of the clauses. Mr. Tierney proposed that they should again go into the committee to-morrow, that the Report should be received on Wednesday, and the third reading be fixed for Monday. This proposition was not acceded to. The House resumed, the Report was received, and the Bill ordered to be re-committed to-morrow, and printed as amended. Mr. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Tuesday, July 6. ITINERANT AUCTIONEERS' BILL.] Lockhart rose, in pursuance of his notice, to move for leave to bring in a Bill, to prevent frauds on the revenue, and to put an end to the injury which was done to the fair trader by itinerant auctioneers. As this Bill would be in a great measure founded upon the Bill which the Chancellor of the Exchequer had withdrawn, he hoped to have that right hon. gentleman's assistance in its progress through the House. In addition to the clauses which were already prepared, it was his intention to introduce others, the objects of which would be, first to prevent auctioneers from giving a fraudulent description of themselves by assuming the name of persons more respectable than themselves in business; next, to prevent the sale of goods under false descriptions, by calling them the property of insolvent persons and bankrupts when they really were not so, thereby giving them a value in the eye of the purchaser, which they did not possess; and, thirdly, to provide that no person should sell goods by auction, unless he had obtained his license for three or four months. This regulation was to prevent persons from taking out li cences for the mere purpose of effecting one sale to the injury of the fair auctioneer. He should introduce another clause to regulate the duty upon goods bought in. He thought that such goods in general should pay a mitigated duty of one-fifth of the ordinary demand; and with respect to lots not worth more than 51. he thought they ought to pay at all times an advanced rate of duty whether sold or not, as by this means many frauds on the unexperienced purchaser would be prevented. The hon. gentleman, after dwelling on the necessity of the adoption of some such measure as that which he had proposed, by the legislature, concluded by moving for leave to bring in a Bill to prevent frauds against the revenue and injuries to fair trade, by itinerant and other auctioneers. Mr. Harvey Combe seconded the motion, and hoped the Bill would be carried. Sir James Shaw said, he hoped it was the intention of the hon. gentleman to exempt foreign freight from the operations of his Bill. If it was not, he should feel it his duty to oppose it. To a Bill for the abolition of those fraudulent auctions, which were continually carrying on in the city of London, he should be happy to give every assistance in his power. Mr. Protheroe trusted the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer would lend his aid towards facilitating the progress of this Bill, as it was absolutely ne cessary it should be passed for the protection of the fair trader. Mr. W. Smith said, it would produce unmixed good to the public. It was much wanted, and he sincerely hoped the hon. member would be enabled to carry it through, notwithstanding the lateness of the session. Mr. Davenport and Mr. F. Lewis supported it. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that though he himself did not originally intend to submit any disjointed part of the plan which had been recently before the House, yet, as it was now brought forward in its divided shape, he thought the hon. gentleman entitled to their thanks, and he should be happy to give any support to it in his power. He thought, however, that it would be unadvisable to go beyond those clauses of the former Bill which had received the concurrent approbation of the House, but rather to select just so much of that Bill, as was not likely to create objection. (VOL. XXVI,) Mr. Alderman Atkins and Mr. Wharton supported the Bill, and after a few words from Mr. Lockhart, who intimated his intention to forego certain additional regulations which he had intended to introduce, and to confine himself solely to so much of the former Bill as was approved of, leave was given, and the Bill was shortly afterwards brought in. BANK OF ENGLAND.] Mr. Thompson was desirous of putting one or two questions to the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer, upon a subject, relative to which it was his intention to found some motion in the ensuing session. He observed, from the Report of the Bullion Committee, that a compromise was made by the Bank of England, with the Stamp-office, by which that company only paid 42,000l. annually, for their stamp duty. Now, upon looking to the duty paid by the country bankers, upon their issues of notes, which it was calculated were no more than equal to the issues of the Bank of England, it appeared that they paid annually a sum of 120,000l. This was a circumstance of such manifest favouritism, that he should be glad to know in what manner it was to be account, ed for. With respect to the Bank of Scot land, too, the system was pretty much the same. Their notes were issued without stamps, and the duty was paid only upon such calculations as the bankers might think proper to send into the Stamp-office at the end of the year. He did not mean to say that any imposition was practised; yet he could not help thinking that it would be far more satisfactory, if ali the notes issued, both from the Bank of England and elsewhere, were regularly stamped. The total amount of stamp duty paid by provincial bankers upon their promis sory notes and bills of exchange, amounted to nearly half a million; and when he knew that the Bank of England often issued notes, to the amount of one, two, three, and to ten thousand pounds each, he thought it was very extraordinary they should not bear their full proportion towards the revenue of the country, as well as others. The Chancellor of the Exchequer replied that the payment by the Bank had been regulated according to a certain scale arranged at the time of first imposing the stamp duty. Since that original composition it had been increased with every increase in the rate of the duty itself; but not, he admitted, according to the increas (4 C) : HOUSE OF LORDS. Wednesday, July 7. of the issue by the Bank. So far, there- | every hazard. Here the contest was never fore, the Bank might be considered as fa- for a moment doubtful. Indeed, the enevoured; and he, as an officer of the reve-my, confounded and subdued by superior nue, could certainly have no objection to skill, even before the action, seem not to any new regulation which should equalize have displayed that valour for which they the two cases. He had no doubt, also, if have been distinguished on other occathe hon. member at any future period sions. They appeared to have fought with would submit a distinct motion upon the spirit only on two points: the one on their subject, the Bank would enter into a fair right, where it was their object to cover discussion of it upon their part. or regain the main road to France by Bayonne, but in which they were completely repulsed by the troops under sir Thomas Graham: the other point was on the left, where they endeavoured, in vain, to retake the commanding positions that were forced and maintained by the division of sir Rowland Hill. It was in this part of the field that colonel Cadogan received the wound which cost him his life. Feeling that his wound was fatal, he made it his last request to his brother soldiers, that they would convey him to a small eminence in the rear. There, seated with his back leaning against a tree, he gazed on the field of battle, till death closed his eyes for ever. He was a gallant officer, as brave in action as amiable and respectable in private life. He lamented sincerely the losses which our army had sustained; but he believed they would be found inconsiderable, when compared with the magnitude of the victory which had been gained,-a victory that would be for ever memorable in the annals of the country, and of which it was impossible to calculate the beneficial consequences. It was not a little remarkable, that near the spot where this battle was fought, another victory had been obtained in one of the proudest days of England's martial glory. It was when Edward the Black Prince defeated the usurper of the crown of Spain, who on that occasion was supported by French troops. How different, however, under all the circumstances, was that battle from the present! How incomparably superior were the resources of France at the present day, compared to what they were then; and how much greater the talents of the man who was at the head of her government! Then France was only an auxiliary now, she was a principal: the victory of the Black Prince was only the result of a single campaign, but this of a series of campaigns. Could such a victory as the present have been foretold to Edward, how would it have cheered him to have seen the martial glory of his country still supported, and that his name would be transmitted to posterity, united VOTE OF THANKS TO THE MARQUIS OF WELLINGTON, &C. FOR THE BATTLE OF VITTORIA.] Earl Bathurst rose and observed, that the victory which their lordships were now called upon to commemorate, was of a nature as decisive in itself, and as gigantic in its results, as any which had graced the military annals of England. Not only were the enemy defeated and driven off the field, but they had lost all their artillery, their stores, their baggage, and, in short, every thing that constituted the material of an army. They had been compelled to abandon the strong military positions on the Ebro, which they had been fortifying for months, and where they reckoned upon making a stand, if forced to relinquish that portion of Spain which they had previously held. But the great talents of lord Wellington were not less displayed in the decisive battle of Vittoria, than in the skill with which the campaign had been planned, and the rapidity with which it had been conducted. The enemy had imagined that the fortifications which they bad constructed at Toro and other places, but particularly at Burgos, would retard the movements of the British general, till they should be able at least to carry off their magazines in security. Such, however, was the skill of lord Wellington's manœuvres, and the rapidity with which they were conducted, that all the plans of the enemy were confounded. No sooner had the allies advanced into Spain, than they hastily abandoned all their points of defence, and were even constrained to evacuate Burgos, on which they had expended so much labour, blowing up the fortifications at the approach of our army. They abandoned Pancorvo and Miranda on the Ebro, with equal rapidity; so that in less than a month they beheld our army threatening their magazines at Vittoria, which they were compelled to defend at |