Sabines. All three expeditions are successful: the battle against the Sabines was the principal one since the battle of Regillus.(203) Upon his return, the dictator calls upon the Senate to give effect to the promise by which he had induced the plebeians to enlist, and had obtained the recent victories over the enemies of Rome. The Senate however refuse ;(204) whereupon Valerius justifies himself to the people, by showing that he is not responsible for the deliberate breach of faith committed towards them, and abdicates his dictatorship. Although the dictator's office was at an end, the legionaries were not released from their military oaths, which had been given to the consuls. The Senate, therefore, upon the rumour of a renewed advance of the Equi, orders the armies into the field.(205) This measure of the Senate followed immediately upon the two breaches of faith committed by them towards the plebeian body-first in the case of Servilius, and afterwards in that of Valerius. The poorer citizens had been induced to enlist by promises, on the part of these two high magistrates, that an equitable adjustment of the private debts of the insolvent plebeians should be set on foot; and after they had returned from the field, and had fought the battles of the Republic, the Senate refused to fulfil these promises, though made with their (203) Post pugnam ad Regillum lacum non alia illis annis pugna clarior fuit; Livy, ii. 31. (204) Namque Valerius...omnium actionum in senatu primam habuit pro victore populo, retulitque, quid nexis fieri placeret. Quae quum rejecta relatio esset, &c.; Livy, ii. 31. Dion. Hal. vi. 43. gives the same account, attributing the rejection of the proposition to the vio kai Biaio in the Senate. Valerius, in Dion. Hal. ib. c. 44, appeals to the sending of colonists to the Volscian territory, as a popular act on his part: he divided the land, he says, not among the patricians, and the knights, but among the poor plebeians. He likewise speaks of having enrolled 400 plebeians among the knights. This latter measure is commented on as historical by Dr. Arnold, vol. i. p. 141. Plutarch, Cor. 5, describes Coriolanus as opposing the remission of debts after the promise of Valerius and before the secession. : (205) Livy, ii. 32; Dion. Hal. vi. 43, 45. In the latter chapter, Niebuhr's emendation (vol. i. n. 1331) of τριῶν ταγμάτων for ἱερῶν ταγμάτων is plausible at the same time there is a difficulty in reconciling it with the language of Dionysius, in c. 42, where it is said that there were ten orpaTiwTikà Táyμata, that each of the consuls took three, and the dictator four. In c. 45, at least six of the ráyμara seem to be signified. Compare Schweighæuser, Lex. Polyb. in ráyμa. implied sanction. They therefore decide to resort to the extreme remedy used in the ancient republics by a political party which could not obtain justice from the hostile party in some important matter-the remedy of secession. The secession of a large body of citizens in an ancient republic might produce either one of two consequences:-if the enmity was irreconcilable, or the seceders not sufficiently numerous to be of vital importance to the state, the secession would take the form of an emigration, and lead to the foundation of a new colony. Secessions of this kind are enumerated among the origins of colonies, both in Greece(206) and Rome;(207) nor have they been wanting in modern times. The Pilgrim Fathers, who established the first settlement in New England, may be considered as a colony ex secessione. If, however, the two adverse parties could be induced to live together as fellow-citizens, and if the seceders were of sufficient numerical importance to induce their opponents to desire their return, and to fear their permanent separation, then the secession resembled the stoppage of the supplies in a parliamentary government: it arrested the action of the executive authority of the state, and compelled it to negotiate.(208) This last was the object which the plebeians, according to our accounts, now sought to attain. The citizens serving in the consular armies withdraw, under (206) Seneca enumerates intestine sedition as one of the causes of colonies. Nec omnibus eadem causa relinquendi quærendique patriam fuit. Alios excidia urbium suarum, hostilibus armis elapsos, in aliena, spoliatos suis, expulerunt; alios domestica seditio submovit; alios nimia superfluentis populi frequentia, ad exonerandas vires, emisit,' &c.; Consol. ad Helv. c. 6. Raoul-Rochette, Histoire de l'Etablissement des Colonies Grecques, tom. i. 23, says: Les dissensions fréquentes qu'enfantait, dans chaque cité, l'inquiète et orageuse démocratie des Grecs, n'occasionnèrent pas un nombre moins considérable d'émigrations. Lorsque deux factions, qui partageaient et déchiraient une ville entière, décidaient leur querelle par la voie des armes, le parti vaincu allait ordinairement cacher sa honte et réparer ses désastres sur une côte éloignée.' See above, vol. i. p. 302, n. 19. (207) Servius, ad Æn. i. 12, distinguishes the colonies sent out 'ex consensu publico,' from those formed 'e secessione.' The Roman coloniæ, in the technical sense, were all of the former kind. (208) Livy, in describing the mutiny in Campania of the year 342 B.C., says: Nondum erant tam fortes ad sanguinem civilem, nec præter externa noverant bella; ultimaque rabies secessio ab suis habebatur; vii. 40. VOL. II. F Sicinius Bellutus, to the Mons Sacer, beyond the river Anio, three miles from Rome, (209) and appoint new centurions; they are afterwards joined by a further secession from the city; and the combined force awaits in tranquillity a communication from the Senate. Livy's narration, from this point, is very brief and very simple. The Senate, having decided in favour of a conciliatory course, (210) send Menenius Agrippa as their envoy to the seceders, who addresses to them the celebrated apologue of the Belly and Limbs. Their differences are then settled by the institution of the Tribunes of the Plebs-nothing being said upon the subject of debts, the cause assigned for the secession.(211) The narrative of Dionysius is however of a totally different character. He details all the negotiations between the seceders at the Mons Sacer and the Senate, with a fulness and minuteness which seem to imply the knowledge of a person who was concerned in the transaction. His narrative resembles the accounts given by Lord Clarendon of negotiations in the civil war between the king and the parliament, of which he was personally cognizant, rather than the report of an ancient and imperfectly remembered event collected by a late historian from meagre chronicles. According to Dionysius, the following was the course of this transaction. The moderate party in the Senate propose to send envoys with a conciliatory message to the (209) Upon the situation of the Mons Sacer, see Gell's Topography of Rome, p. 321. (210) The feeling in the city, when the secession had taken place, is thus described by Livy: Pavor ingens in urbe, metuque mutuo suspensa erant omnia. Timere relicta ab suis plebes violentiam patrum, timere patres residem in urbe plebem, incerti manere eam an abire mallent. Quamdiu autem tranquillam, quæ secesserit, multitudinem fore? quid futurum deinde, si quod externum interim bellum existat ? Nullam profecto, nisi in concordia civium, spem reliquam ducere; eam per æqua, per iniqua, reconciliandam civitati esse;' ii. 32. According to this statement, the patricians found themselves compelled, by the plebeian secession, to capitulate. Zonaras gives a similar account: δείσαντες οἱ βουλευταὶ μὴ ἐπὶ πλέον οὗτοί τε ἐκπολεμωθῶσι, καὶ τῇ στάσει συνεπίθωνται οἱ περίοικοι, διεκηρυκεύσαντο πρὸς αὐτούς ; vii. 14. This passage is taken almost verbatim from Dio Cass. xvii. 9. Orosius says: Actum de Romano nomine intestinâ pernicie foret, nisi maturata reconciliatio subrepsisset prius, quam se discessio ipsa cognosceret;' ii. 5, (211) Livy, ii. 32-3. seceders. This proposition is adopted; envoys are sent to inquire what are the grievances of the seceders, and to promise an amnesty, if they will return peaceably to the city but the seceders treat this message as an insult, and only answer it with menaces.(12) At this moment the consuls, whose term of office was nearly expired, resigned their functions; no candidates for the consulship came forward at this dispiriting emergency, and the people elected Postumus Cominius and Spurius Cassius, men of moderate opinions, who commenced their magistracy on the calends of September, which was earlier than the usual time. The new consuls lose no time in convening a senate; here Menenius Agrippa delivers a speech, reported at length by Dionysius, in which he recommends, as a means of reconciliation, that envoys, with unlimited powers of treating, should be sent to the seceders. (213) Manius Valerius, being called on by the senior consul, delivers his opinion, in accordance with that of Agrippa.(14) At this period of the debate, Appius Claudius rises he refers, as a warning example, to the recent expulsion of the gamori, or wealthy landowners, of Syracuse by their serfs;(215) and he advises the Senate neither to send an embassy to the seceders, nor to decree a remission of debts, but to treat the plebeians with lenity if they return. This speech is received with great applause, by the extreme party, which is described as consisting principally of the young patricians. The older senators earnestly desire to pursue a conciliatory course; and they implore the youthful and violent majority to consent; but in vain. (216) The consuls now interpose their authority (212) Dion. Hal. vi. 47-8. (213) Ib. c. 49–56. (214) Ib. c. 57-8. (215) c. 62. The event referred to by Appius, is that described by Herod. vii. 155. Gelo, having become master of Gela, restores the Gamori of Syracuse, who had been expelled by the people and by their slaves, the Cyllyrii, and himself acquires the dominion of Syracuse. The commencement of Gelo's rule over Syracuse is fixed by Mr. Clinton at 485 B.C.; the date assigned for the first secession of the plebeians is 494 B.C., nine years earlier; so that although Dionysius speaks of the expulsion of the Gamori as a very recent event (rà reλevraia), yet we must suppose him to have adopted a somewhat earlier date for that occurrence. See Grote, Hist. of Gr. vol. v. p. 285; Müller, Dor. b. iii. c. 4, § 4. (216) Ib. c. 59-65. and influence in favour of the moderate side. They threaten to fix a limit of age, which will exclude the young patricians from the Senate. They likewise appeal to the constitutional rule, that all questions of peace and war are to be decided by the people; and hold (by a construction which seems somewhat forced) that this, being a question of internal peace and war, falls within its scope. Hence they announce their intention of referring the question to the people :(217) they fix another day for the meeting of the popular assembly, as well as of the Senate; and they give notice beforehand, in order that there may be a large influx from the country. At the second meeting of the Senate, Menenius and Appius repeat their former opinions; but Spurius Nautius, who is described as the descendant of a companion of Æneas, (218) comes forward as the organ of the young patricians, apologizes for their violence, and expresses himself as ready to acquiesce in any measure recommended by the elder senators. Several of the younger patricians declare themselves to the same effect; and at length all the Senate, with the exception of a few kinsmen of Appius, agree in appointing ten of the elder senators as ambassadors to the seceders. Their names are enumerated by Dionysius; three of them are Menenius Agrippa, Manius Valerius, and P. Servilius, the late consul.(219) (217) The consuls say: ὅτι δ ̓ ἂν οἱ πλείους ψηφίσωνται, τοῦθ ̓ ἡγησόμεθα κύριον ; c. 66. (218) Dionysius, c. 69, says that the founder of the family brought over the statue of Minerva Polias from Troy, and that it was handed down in the family of the Nautii. Virgil alludes to this eponymous hero, and to his connexion with Minerva, in the following verses: Tum senior Nautes, unum Tritonia Pallas Quem docuit, multâque insignem reddidit arte, Unde Where Servius says: Quia ipse Romam Palladium detulit. Nautiorum familia Minervæ sacra retinebat, quod etiam Varro docet in libris quos de familiis Trojanis scripsit.' The family of the Nautii seems to have become extinct in the fifth century of the city. No Nautius is mentioned by Livy after the 10th book. This explanatory legend must therefore have grown up at an early date. See above, vol. i. p. 390, n. 106. (219) The list is defective in the common editions: the Vatican MS. however completes the ten names; c. 69. Niebuhr, Hist. vol. i. n. 1345, thinks that this list is very probably authentic. In his Lectures, vol. i. p. 142, he says: The list of the ten ambassadors given by Dionysius is certainly |