tainty.(187) That the Third Samnite War grew out of the assistance afforded by Rome to the Lucanians, both Livy and Dionysius agree; but in describing the communications which passed between Rome and the Samnites on this occasion, they differ widely. In the account of the battle of Sentinum, Livy is confirmed by Polybius: this great conflict was known to the contemporary Greek writer, Duris of Samos, and was mentioned by him in a historical work; probably his history of Agathocles. Whether the story of the hind and wolf, related in connexion with this battle, is true, cannot be determined :(188) similar stories of omens, however, are often mixed up with real events in the later Roman history. The devotion of Decius may be considered as historical;(189) the act was doubtless suggested to him

(187) Dr. Arnold remarks upon the silence of Livy respecting Agathocles during the Samnite wars, and he then proceeds thus: But this is merely one of the consequences of the absence of all Roman historians contemporary with the fifth century. Livy did and could only copy the annalists of the seventh, or of the middle of the sixth century, and the very oldest of these, separated by an interval of a hundred years from the Samnite wars, and having no original historian older than themselves, did but put together such memorials of the past as happened to be still floating on the stream of time, stories which had chanced to be preserved in particular families, or which had lived in the remembrance of men generally. Thus, as I have before observed, the military history of the Samnite wars is often utterly inexplicable: the detail of marches, the objects aimed at in each campaign, the combinations of the generals, and the exact amount of their success, are lost in oblivion; but particular events are sometimes given in great detail, and anecdotes of remarkable men have been preserved, while their connexion with each other has perished; Hist. vol. ii. p. 417. In another place he thus speaks of the period 326-300 B.C. In some of the transactions recorded in this chapter, we seem almost to have emerged into the light of day, and to be able to trace events and their actors with much of the clearness of real history. But even in those which are in themselves most vivid, we find a darkness on either side, concealing from our view their causes and their consequences;' ib. p. 306.

(188) Livy, x. 27; Zon. viii. 1. Dr. Arnold remarks: This story, with some other circumstances related of the battle itself, are blended strangely with the perfectly historical substance of the general narrative;' vol. ii. p. 342.

(189) Mommsen, Röm. Gesch. vol. i. p. 229, n. considers the devotion of one Decius as a mere repetition of the devotion of the other; but there seems no good ground for doubting the reality of both these events, which were calculated to make a deep impression on the popular memory, and being religious acts, were perhaps noted at the time by the pontifical scribes. P. Decius, in arguing for the plebeian priesthoods, in 300 B.C., is said to have reminded many among his hearers of the

by the similar act of his father.(190) The ideas of a dark superstition still lingered among the Italian nations; as we see from Livy's account of the ceremonies by which the oath was imposed on the sacred legion of the Samnites;(191) ceremonies, more sanguinary than any that are mentioned as practised by the Romans at this time.

§ 37 In the year 282 B.C., eight years after the termination of the Third Samnite War, an event occurred, which brought the Romans into collision with the Tarentines. Of this event we have two versions. According to Appian, ten Roman ships of

appearance of his father, when he devoted himself as consul. Retulisse dicitur Decius parentis sui speciem, qualem eum multi, qui concione erant, viderant, incinctum Gabino cultu, super telum stantem, quo se habitu pro populo ac legionibus Romanis devovisset;' x. 7. As the devotion of Decius had taken place only forty years before, it was quite possible that it should have been witnessed by many persons then present. Niebuhr has recourse to the supposition of superhuman agency, in order to account for the effect produced by the deaths of the Decii: He who does not (he says) absolutely reject the reality of miracles in Roman history as nonsense, might console himself for the scorn of others with the opinion of Dante ; and the battles of Vesuvius and Sentinum are of such decisive importance for the history of the world, that the idea of attributing a miraculous power to the expiatory death of the Decii, contains at least nothing unworthy' Hist. vol. iii. n. 644. It is, however, impossible for us to estimate the effect really produced by these celebrated acts. See the passage of Dio Cassius cited above, p. 430, n. 52.

(190) Cujus mors ita gloriosa fuit, ut eam concupisceret filius,' says Cic. de Div. i. 24. Cicero speaks of a third Decius, the grandson of the first, and son of the second, having devoted himself in the war against Pyrrhus. After describing the act of the first Decius, he continues: 'Quod quidem ejus factum nisi esset jure laudatum, non esset imitatus quarto consulatu filius; neque porro ex eo ratus, cum Pyrrho bellum gerens, consul cecidisset in prælio, seque e continenti genere tertiam victimam reipublicæ præbuisset;' De Fin. ii. 19. Elsewhere he says: 'Non cum Latinis decertans pater Decius, cum Etruscis filius, cum Pyrrho nepos se hostium telis objecissent; Tusc. Disp. i. 37. The story of the self-immolation of the third Decius (whose consulship falls in 279 B.C.) is discredited by Dr. Arnold, ib. p. 509. Compare Niebuhr, vol. iii. p. 505. The story may be fabulous; but its inconsistency with the notice in the inaccurate writer, De Vir. Ill. c. 36, is not a sufficient reason for rejecting it; especially as the statement of the latter is inconsistent with that of Florus, i. 21, and Zonaras; and it is considered erroneous by Arntzen ad loc.

(191) Admovebatur altaribus miles, magis ut victima quam ut sacri particeps.... Dein jurare cogebatur diro quodam carmine, in exsecrationem capitis familiæque et stirpis composito. ... Id primo quidam abnuentes juraturos se, obtruncati circa altaria sunt: jacentes deinde inter stragem victimarum documento ceteris fuere ne abnuerent; x. 38.

war, under a certain Cornelius, were cruising along the coasts of Magna Græcia, when a Tarentine demagogue, named Philocharis, of dissolute habits, reminded the people of an ancient treaty which restrained the Romans from sailing to the east of the Lacinian promontory, and urged them to attack the Roman squadron. His advice was adopted; the Tarentines sank four of the ships, and took one with the crew. (192) According to Dio Cassius, the Roman admiral in command of these ships was named L. Valerius. He sailed into the harbour of Tarentum without any hostile intention, but the people were in the theatre celebrating the Dionysia; and partly from a belief that he came as an enemy, and partly under the influence of wine, they attacked him before he suspected their purpose, and sank his ship and several of the others. (193) One of these accounts represents the act of the Tarentines as the result of deliberation, the other as a sudden outbreak of fear and anger-in the substance, however, they agree; and they are further confirmed by the epitome of Livy.(194)

Moreover, the Lucanians had recently besieged the town of Thurii, and the latter place had been assisted and defended by the Romans, who raised the siege, and left a garrison in the place.(195) The Tarentines now complained that the people of

(192) Samn. 7.

(193) Dio Cass. xxxix. 4, 5. The passage of Dio is repeated by Zon. viii. 2. A similar account is given by Orosius, who probably followed Livy, directly or indirectly. Anno ab urbe conditâ cccclxiv. Tarentini Romanam classem forte prætereuntem, spectaculo theatri prospectam hostiliter invaserunt, quinque tantum navibus vix per fugam elapsis: cetera retracta in portum classis, et profligata est; præfecti navium trucidati, omnes bello utiles cæsi, reliqui pretio venditi sunt;' iv. 1. Florus likewise, who follows Livy, gives a similar account; i. 18, § 4.

(194) Cum a Tarentinis classis Romana direpta esset, duumviro qui præerat classi occiso, legati ad eos a senatu ut de his injuriis quererentur missi pulsati sunt. Ob id bellum eis indictum est;' Livy, Epit. xii.

(195) The assistance of Thurii against the Lucanians is mentioned in Livy, Epit. xi. The relief of the place was effected by the consul Fabricius, see Dion. Hal. xviii. 5, 17; Val. Max. i. 8, 6. The subjection of Thurii to the Lucanians, and its recourse to Rome, are mentioned by Strabo, vi. 1, § 13. A story of the Romans being assisted on this occasion by a supernatural combatant, whom they believed to be the god Mars, is told by Valerius Maximus, ib; similar to the appearance of the

Thurii, being Greeks, had applied to the Romans, instead of to themselves, and had been the means of introducing them into the southern extremity of Italy. They proceeded to plunder the city, and to expel the principal citizens; they dismissed the Roman garrison unharmed. (196)

The Romans did not at once declare war against the Tarentines, but sent ambassadors to demand redress. Their terms are stated to have been, that the Romans taken on board their own ships should be liberated, that the citizens of Thurii who had been expelled should be restored, that compensation should be afforded for the property plundered, and that the authors of the outrage should be surrendered to them. The scene which took place when the Roman ambassadors appeared before the people to deliver their message, conveys a forcible idea of the coarseness of manners which prevailed in a civilized Greek city of antiquity. Not only was their imperfect Greek and their peculiar dress made the subject of public ridicule, but Postumius, the leader of the embassy, was subjected to a more practical and material insult. He held up his toga to the people, and told them that they might enjoy their laugh at present, but that the stains on his garment would be washed out with their blood.(197) As soon as the insult offered to the ambassadors was reported by them to the people, Q. Æmilius, the consul, who was then with an army in Samnium, was ordered to march to Tarentum, and to repeat the demands made by the ambassadors.(198) The

Dioscuri at the battle of Regillus. This story is alluded to by Ammianus Marcellinus, xxiv. 4. Existimabatur Mars ipse, si misceri hominibus numina majestatis jura permittunt, affuisse castra Lucanorum invadenti Luscino. The people of Thurii erected a statue to Fabricius, for raising the siege of their town; Plin. N. H. xxxiv. 15.

(196) Appian, Samn. 7.

(197) Dion. Hal. xvii. 7, 8; Appian, Samn. 7; Dio Cass. xxxix. 5; Zon. viii. 2; Flor. i. 18, § 5. Livy, Epit. xii., says that the ambassadors were pulsati,' driven away with blows. On the other hand, Valerius Maximus says that after the ambassadors had been grossly insulted, they persisted in delivering their message, and abstained from all complaint; ii. 2, § 5.

(198) Dion. Hal. xvii. 9, 10; Appian, ib. The former states that long debates in the Senate preceded the decision for immediate war. According

Tarentines now hesitated as to the answer which they would give, and opinions in the public assembly were almost equally divided, when an orator remarked, that to surrender any of their citizens was a mark of servitude; but to enter on a war without allies was perilous. If we wish,' he said, 'to maintain our freedom, let us call in the assistance of King Pyrrhus, and make him our general.'(199) The party adverse to peace prevailed; envoys were sent to Pyrrhus, requesting him to engage in the war, and promising him large levies from the nations of southern Italy.(200) Pyrrhus, the greatest warrior of his time, eager for enterprize, and ambitious of making conquests in Italy and Sicily, acceded to the request of the Tarentines, and in the year 281 B.C. landed near Tarentum with a large army. (201) In his subsequent war with the Romans, the Roman annals (as we have previously remarked) mix with the stream of contemporary Greek history.(202)

§ 38 Having now examined the narrative of the military history of Rome from the beginning of the Samnite wars to the landing of Pyrrhus, it remains for us to notice such events of constitutional history, or other miscellaneous occurrences, re

to Dionysius, the ambassadors returned when Æmilius was entering on his consulship: he therefore conceives the embassy as having taken place in 283 B.C.

(199) Appian, ib. See the singular anecdote of Meto, who attempted to prevent the war; Dion. Hal. xvii. 13, 14; Plut. Pyrrh. 13; Dio Cass.

xxxix. 10.

(200) Plut. Pyrrh. 13. Plutarch speaks of those who were in favour of war, because they were afraid of being surrendered to the Romans in the event of peace; which agrees with the conditions stated by Appian.

(201) Livy, Epit. xii; Plut. Pyrrh. 15; Justin. xviii. 1; Eutrop. ii. 11; Flor. i. 18.

(202) Decius Magius, the Campanian, is described by Livy as referring in 216 B.C. to the oppressions exercised by Pyrrhus at Tarentum, in order to warn his countrymen against admitting Hannibal; xxiii. 7. Hieronymus, the ruler of Syracuse, was reminded by his flatterers, in the Second Punic War, of Pyrrhus, his maternal grandfather; ib. xxiv. 6. The envoys of the Roman prisoners after Cannæ, and of the remains of the legions of Cannæ, refer to the Roman prisoners taken by Pyrrhus at Heraclea; ib. xxii. 59, xxv. 6. Other reminiscences of Pyrrhus are mentioned above, vol. i. p. 67, n. 196. It is said that elephants were first seen by the Italians in the war with Pyrrhus, and were called boves Luca, from having been seen in Lucania; Pliny, N. H. viii. 6; Veget. de Re Mil. iii. 24; Varro de L. L. vii. 39, 40.