der William himself. The victory of the Boyne was the refult of the perfonal feelings of James, not of any deficiency in the number of his army, of of any want of courage on their part. change Kings," said the Irish officers, " and we will once more fight the battle." St. Ruth had won the battle of Aughrim, and had exclaimed, in an ecstacy of joy, "Now will I drive the Eng. lifh to the walls of Dublin," at the moment the fatal ball ftruck him. And, at the time the gar rifon of Limerick capitulated, the Irish army was in a condition to hold out at least another campaign, with a good profpect of being able to reftore the fallen fortunes of James. The befieging army had made no impreffion on the principal part of the city; it was inferior in numbers to that of the garrifon; winter was faft approaching, and at the very moment French fuccours were on the coaft: yet all these advantages did the Irish army forego, in confideration of the terms which were granted to them by the treaty of Limerick. On the other hand, in granting thefe terms, the English government and nation obtained advantages

H

of

Leland, B. 6. c. 7.

+ Note A. Appendix.

of the utmost importance. For fo long as James had a powerful army in Ireland, and nearly onehalf of the kingdom under his dominion, the great work of the revolution was neither accom plished or fecured. The fair way, therefore, of judging of the value of the treaty of Limerick to England, is to confider how far it contributed to promote this inestimable object. If the treaty of Limerick, in any degree, led to the establishment of the revolution, the vast importance of this event should have inclined the people of England to act with justice, at least, towards the Catholics. But if their fubmiffion contributed effentially to crown the brilliant efforts of the friends of liberty with fuccefs, then indeed the people of England fhould have felt zealous to act towards the Catholics, not on a cold calculation of what was merely just on their part, but with that kindness with which we always regard those who have promoted our profperity, whether intentionally or not. That the fubmiffion of the Irish Catholics did fo contribute to complete the revolution is plain, from the means which they poffeffed of continuing the war; from the opportunity it afforded William to bring his whole forces to bear against Louis; and

from

from the termination it fixed to the hopes and the confpiracies of the adherents of James in England. Yet, notwithstanding the great conceffions which the Catholics, on their part, made by their fubmiffion, in order to obtain the terms of the treaty of Limerick, and the great advantages which the English nation, on the other hand, acquired by it, twelve years only elapfed before the Catholics. were deprived of every right and privilege which was folemnly guaranteed to them by that treaty.

The only species of juftification that could, under any circumftances, have been brought forward for acting in this manner towards the Catholics, would have been, the proof of the forfeiture, by misconduct, of their right to the fulfilment of the treaty. That any thing which they did prior to the treaty, could have, in justice, any influence on measures paffed fubfequent to its taking place, is quite impoffible; because the treaty admitted their acts to be those of open and honourable enemies, and specifically pardoned them.* As to their

H 2

"The peculiar fituation of that country, (Ireland)," fays Macpherson, "feems to have been overlooked in the contett.

The

their conduct afterwards, even their most invete rate and most unprincipled enemies did not charge them with a fingle tranfgreffion against the State, from the year 1691 to the year 1704, when the act to prevent the farther growth of Popery was paffed. And it is very plain that no fuch charge could be maintained, from the paltry attempt that was made in Parliament to justify this act. It was faid, "That the Papists had not demonstrated "how and where, fince the making of the articles "of Limerick, they had addressed the Queen or "Government, when all other fubjects were so

66

doing; and that any right, which they pre"tended was to be taken from them by the bill, "was in their own power to remedy, by con“forming,

The desertion, upon which the deprivation of James had been founded in England, had not existed in Ireland. The Lord Lieutenantcy had retained his allegiance. The government was uniformly continued under the name of the Prince, from whom the fervants of the Crown had derived their commif fions. James himself had, for more than 17 months, exercifed the royal function in Ireland. He was certainly de facto, if not de jure, King. The rebellion of the Irish muft, therefore, be founded on the fuppofition, that their allegiance is transferable by the Parliament of England. A fpeculative opinion can scarcely juftify the punishment of a great majority of a people. The Irish ought to have been confidered as enemics, rather than rebels."-Hift. Great Britain.

❝forming, as in prudence they ought to do; and "that they ought not to blame any but them "felves."*. No circumftance can poffibly illuftrate more clearly the innocence of the Catholics, and their loyalty and good conduct, from the treaty of Limerick to the paffing of this act, than this mockery of juftification; nor could any thing more diftinctly bring to our understandings an' accurate.comprehension of the perfidy and basenefs of that government, and of that Parliament,' which could adduce fo filly an excufe for fuch ftern and crafty oppreffion.

Though the treaty of Limerick was now vio-' lated in every point, the spirit of perfecution was ftill reftlefs and unfatisfied. However great was the ingenuity of the legislators who produced that master-piece of oppreffion, the act to prevent the farther growth of Popery, it was found that another act was ftill wanting to explain and amend it. Such an act paffed in the year 1709.t

The 1ft clause provides, that no Papift fhall be capable of taking any annuity for life.

The

Debates on the Popery Laws, App. I. † 8th Anne, c. 3.