and who are unquestionable heirs of the fame glorious inheritance. The facts being then, my Lords, as I have ftated them, what has government done they have fent an armed force, consisting of above seventeen thousand men, to dragoon the Boftonians into what is called their duty, and for the chaftife ment of a small rabble, confifting of the neceffitous and characterless in doing an unlawful act, have involved thir ty thousand inhabitants in the greatest difficulty, oppreffion, and contternation. Is this the way to win men to their du ty, and recover in them the principles of affection, and British allegiance? Do you think, that men who could be roufed to forego their profits, their pleasures, and the peaceable enjoyment of their dearest connexions all for the fake of liberty, will be whipped into vaffalage like faves Why, my Lords, this conduct in government is fo fantaftical, and aerial in practice that it by far exceeds the bo'delt wing of poetry; for poetry has often read pleasing, as well as in ftructive leffons to mankind; and though it fometimes amufes itself in fiction that fiction, to pleafe, fhould be founded on verifimilitude. But in this wife fyftem there is nothing like truth-nothing like policy, nothing like juftice, experience, or common fente. But, my lords, government, fo far from once turning its eyes to the policy and deftructive confequence of this fcheme, are conftantly fending out more troops; and we are told, in the language of menace, that if feventeen thousand men won't do, fifty thousand shall. 'Tis true, my lords, with this force they may ravage the country; wafte, and destroy as they march: but, in the progrefs of feventeen hundred miles, can they occupy the pla ces they have paffed? will not a country which can produce three millions of people,-wronged and infulted as they are, flart up like Hydras in every corner, and gather fresh ftrength frem fresh oppofition nay, what dependance can you have upon the foldiery, the unhappy engines of your wrath! They are Englifhmen, who must feel for the privileges of Englishmen; and their carrying mufkets, and bayonets, about them, furely does not exclude them the pale of Civil Community. Do you think that thefe men, then, can turn their arms against their brethren? Surely no-a viciory must be To them a defeat Carnage-a Jacrifice. But, my lords, it is not merely three millions of people, the produce of America, we have to combat with, in this unnatural struggle; many more are on their fide, difperfed over the face of this wide empire. Every Whig, in this country, is for them,-Ireland, is with them to a man; nay, even thofe Englishmen, who may be now temporarily inactive, when they once come to be roused to a fenfe of recollection; when they come to weigh the great line of right, for which their brethren, in America, are contending, the fenfe of their own danger will infruct them to range themselves on their fide. Who then, in the name of Heaven! could advife this measure? or who can continue to give this ftrange, and unconflitutional advice? I do not mean to level at one man, or any particular set of men but thus much I will declare, that if his M.....y continues to hear fuch counfellors-he will not only be badly advifed, but UNDONE.-He may wear his crown indeed, but it will not be worth his wearing: robbed of fo principal a jewel as America, it will lofe its luftre, and no longer beam that effulgence which fhould irradiate the brow of My. What then is become of this boafted country of England, once so renowned in arts, as well as arms! what is become of her conftitution, that has hitherto been the wonder as well as the envy of furrounding nations! has the changed her civil power, and falutary laws, for a military code? or has the transferred her feat of empire to Conftantinople?-Has fle, who has often shed her dearest blood, in the manly resistance of despotism, now not only tamely fubmitted to it but fat down herfelf to forge the arbitrary chains? But our prefent governors, alas! think fo little of this matter, that I hear general Gage has been thought to have acted too tardy in this business-that he has not been fwift enough to execute vengeance, and fheath the sword in the howels of his countrymen. I really pity the unfortunate fituation of that gentleman, who has approved himself on many occafions a gallant foldier, and a humane man; for what, from being under the difagreeable predicament of doing his duty on the one tide, and his own feelings of juftice, and policy on the other; what a conflict must he have! his fituation, my lords, puts me in mind of a fimilar tranfaction in the civil wars of France, when the great Conde on one fide, and Mar fhal Turenne on the other, command- wound of that rancorous and feftering ed different armies ;-the latter confcious kind, that, in all probability, will mor what terrible confequences a victory tify the whole body. muft produce to himself and countrythough often in his power, avoided blows as much as poffible. After the affair was over, the marthal was thus reprimanded at court for not at least taking the prince; pourquoi ne l'avez vous pas pris? but that great general very fenfibly replied, parceque Sire, fi je l'avois fait tout Paris en revanche m'auroit pris. "Should I take him, please your majefty, I was afraid all Paris would take Let us then, my lords, inftantly begin with this bufinefs, but let us not act, as hitherto has been acted--taking it up by bits and fcraps, as exigencies preffed, without any regard to general relations, and dependencies. What fignifies merely repealing this, or that particular act? this is but meanly freaking out of one difficulty perhaps to get in a worse, and can never anfwer the purpose of a wife, amicable, and conftitutional system, The mere annihilation of a few little dir ty fhreds of parchment can never produce any lafting effect on the happiness and commerce of three millions of people, hitherto ground down with miseries and wrongs, and in hourly dread of having them occafionally rehearsed. In this alarming crisis-this diftracted view of affairs, I come, my lords, with this paper in my hand (holding out his motion to offer you the best of my experience, and advice, which is " to be feech his majefty that he would be graciously pleafed to give immediate orders We must look on this great bufinefs in to general Gage to withdraw his troops one large connected view, work on it, from before the town of Boston, in order step by step, with caution, and liberalito open the way for a plan of concord, ty, and never lofe fight of it until it is and reconciliation, and this, my lords, accomplished ;----this is the way, not on upon the moft mature, and deliberately to obtain confidence for the prefents grounds, is the best advice I can give you at this juncture. Such a conduct will convince America that you mean to try her caufe in the fpirit of freedom and inquiry, and not in letters of blood; it will be a pledge to her that you mean nothing more than friendship, and equity, and the, I truft, will meet you half way, But how can fhe truft you with the bay onet at her breast? nay, how does the know, after having fubmitted to the fword, you mean to forge for her heavier chains, the general confequence of ferocious victory? I have crawled, my lords, to this houfe to-day, to tell you fo---I think it my duty to give the whole of my experience, and counsel to my country at all times, but more particularly, when the is in fo much need of it; and having thus entered on the threshold of this bufinefs, I will knock at your gates for juftice, and never ftop, except infirmities should nail me to my bed, until I have, at least, tried every thing in my power to heal thofe unhappy divifions. There is no time to be loft---every hour is big with danger---perhaps even whilft I am now fpeaking the decifive blow is ftruck, which may involve millions in the confequence; and believe me, the very first drop of blood that is fpilled will not be a wound easily skinned over--it will be irritabile vulnus; a but folid, and lafting happiness for the future; the line thus drawn, the Americans will have fomething to trust to-and we thall be taught not to tranfgrefs that line. Thus mutual confidence will be begun, and mutual benefit must follow, I know that it has been in circulation, that if the amp act had never been repealed, we should be at this hour in peace and quietnefs with America; and from this many people urge the danger, as well as inefficacy of conciliating meafures at prefent. But though I could refute the falfefood, and abfurdity of this affertion, by appealing to the very official letters from your American governors at that period- -I fhall waye this ground, and only mention to your lordships a circumftance, which will fet this matter in a ftill clearer light, and fhow you the temper, firmnefs, and complexion of the Boftonians on that occafion. Some time after the repeal of that act, I happened to be in company (at the houfe of a mutual friend above one hundred miles from this town) with one of the most confiderable and intelligent merchants in this country; in a converfation I had with him upon this fubject, I begged him to be as explicit as poffible in giving me his opinion on the repeal. This gentleman then told me, and confirmed his account by feveral written and refpectable evidences that the people of M 2 Bofter Bofton, previous to the repeal, waited in fullen filence the deliberations of the British parliament; and were pofitively determined, if that day's victory had not been obtained, immediately to abandon the town, their refidence, and all the benefits of commerce; to the country they were determined to retire with their families and their friends, more happy to be freemen, though tillers of the earth, than faves under the greatest profperity. Does this refolution look like tamely fubmitting to indignities? or does it fhew that it is owing to this juft relaxation of government, that they have been taught to act with that firmnefs, and perfeverance, they have fince that period purfued? I would not, however, with, my lords, by this to encourage America to proceed beyond the line of right-I reprobate as much as any of you thofe acts of violence which a few of her mobility have committed; but when her inherent, conftitutional rights are invaded, those rights she has an equitable claim to the full enjoyment of, by the fundamental laws of the English conftitution, and ingrafted on that conftitution by the unalterable laws of nature; then I own myfelf an AMERICAN; and feeling my felf as fuch, fhall, to the verge of my life, vindicate her rights. If America, however, fhould, at any time, lose fight of this line, I thall be an ENGLISHMAN, and defend thofe rights against any power under Heaven, that would oppofe them. Lord Suffolk rofe after lord Chatham, and condemned the conduct of the Americans with great vehemence; faid, that government had tried every gentle method in their power, but to no effect; that things were at last come to this crifis, that either the mother country muft affert her authority, or refign it; that for his part he was proud to acknowledge himfelf as one of his majesty's minifters that firft advised coercive measures; and he would abide by fuch advice at all hazards. Lord Lyttleton fupported lord Suffolk. He began with paying every refpect to the great authority of the noble earl who opened the debate, and was therefore very forry to differ from him; but his own candour and opinion decided him to reprobate highly the conduct of the Ame ricans, whom he called rebels and infurgents. In fhort, he refted the principal part of his argument on the infallibility of acts of parliament, which any power that refifted against, he faid, should be compelled to fubmit to. Lord Shelburne spoke in defence of the Americans; faid he ftood totally uncon nected both with men and measures, but that the noble earl's motion carried with it fuch a conciliating mode, that he heartily adopted it. Lord Camden rofe next, and in a very perfuafive, argumentative manner, fupported the opinions of his noble friend ford Chatham. He went into an able, masterly examination of the original rights of a free people, which he defined with his ufual accuracy, temper, and precifion. He observed, in an inference from these premifes, that arbitrary power may as well be lodged in a collective body as a fingle perfon; but wherever it was exerted, it was unlawful, and may be refifted; that this was no novel doctrine, but as old as the conftitution, and may be found in all the law books, from Selden down to a gentleman (meaning judge Blackftone) whofe Commentaries had been fo juftly and univerfally received in the world; that therefore acts of the state were not always infallible doctrines, but were, and ought to be, in particular cafes, fubject to the rights and freedoms of the people at large, who had the original right vested in them, of delegating their power and authority. Lord Townthend quoted feveral acts of parliament, which he had minuted for the purpofe, to fhow how the Americans had trampled upon legislative authority. He faid, he therefore fhould be for reducing them to obedience by those methods adopted by government, which appeared to him to be the best. He next went into a hort detail of the Irish com merce, and obferved that if the act of navigation was to be fufpended, as the Americans wanted, he thought it fhould 'be firft in favour of the Irish merchants, (particularly thofe at Corke) whofe local fituation, and respectful behaviour, entitled them to a preference. The duke of Richmond, in his ufual masterly manner, took a large view of the queftion; and, on the whole, concluded with coinciding with the opinion of lord Chatham for withdrawing the troops before Bofton, as the only way to open a plan of reconciliation. He next anfwered the affertion thrown out by fome of the lords in office, that the Americans would not be content with being excluded internal taxation, but wanted a repeal of the navigation act, by going to the table, table, and referring to the petition of the congrefs, which he read in his place, and by which it appeared that they afked no fuch matter. He concluded by drawing a comparison between the timid behaviour of administration at the furrender of Falkland's iflands, and their fwaggering conduct now used to their own children. The marquis of Rockingham very pathetically lamented the unhappy fituation of the town of Bofton, and asked what good fending the foldiery had already produced That they had been there for fome time, incapable of ufing their arms, or bringing about the purposes of government. From this experience of your illconcerted measures (continues his lordfhip) you ought to be taught wifdom and prudent legislation; and the only way to recover stability to your councils, and open a door to reconciliation, will be to begin by withdrawing the foldiery from the town of Boston. Lords Gower, Rochford, and Weymouth, fucceffively followed each other; who all publickly avowed the fettled intentions of government of compelling the Americans to the immediate obedience of the legiflature of the mother country. About eight o'clock the queftion was pat, when on a divifion, there appeared Not Contents, 77. Contents, 18. Upon which the room immediately adjourned. Speakers for the question, lords Chatham, Rockingham, Shelburne, Camden, Richmond. Against the queftion, Lords Suffolk, Lyttleton, Townshend, Rochford, Gower, Weymouth. The Hiftory of American Taxation, from the Year 1763, to the End of Laft Seffon. In which is introduced, an Account of the official Abilities of the following Minifiers, and how far they bave been concerned either in turfuing or receding from the prefent Scheme of governing America, viz. The Rt. Hon. Charles Townshend, the Hon. Mr. Gren ville, Lord Rockingham, and Lord Chatham. With an Account of the At af certaining the Entireness of British Legifative Authority. By Edmund Burke, Efq, Member for Briftol, and delivered by him in a Speech to the House of Com Mr. Rofe Fuller, member for Rye, made the following motion; that an act made in the feventh year of the reign of his prefent Majefty, entitled, “An act for granting certain duties in the British colonies and plantations in America; for allowing a drawback of the duties of cuftoms upon the exportation from this kingdom of coffee and Cocoa nuts, of the produce of the faid colonies or plantations; for difcontinuing the drawbacks payable on China earthen ware exported to America; and for more effectually preventing the clandeftine running of Goods in the faid colonies and plantations," might be read. And the fame being read accordingly, he moved, "That this house will, upon this day feven-night, refolve itself into a committee of the whole houfe, to take into confideration the duty of 3d per pound weight upon tea, payable in all his Majefty's dominions in America, impofed by the faid act; and alfo the appropriation of the said duty." On this latter motion a warm and interefting debate arofe, in which Mr. Ed mund Burke spoke as follows: SIR, I agree with the honourable gentleman who fpoke laft, that this fubject is not new in this houfe. Very difagreeably to this house, very unfortunately to this nation, and to the peace and profperity of this whole empire, no topic has been more familiar to us. For nine long years, feffion after feffion, we have been lafhed round and round this miferable circle of occafional arguments and tempomuft turn, and our ftomachs nauseate rary expedients. I am fure our heads with them. We have had them in eve fhape; we have looked at them in haufted; reafon is fatigued; experience every point of view. Invention is exhas given judgment: but obftinacy is not yet conquered. deavour more to diverfify the form of The hon. gentleman has made one enthis difgufting argument. He has thrown out a fpeech compofed almost entirely of challenges. things; and as he is a man of prudence Challenges are serious as well as refolution, I dare fay he has very well weighed thofe challenges before he delivered them. I had long the happiness to fit at the fame fide of the NOTE. *Charles Wolfran Cornwall, Efq; lately appointed one of the Lords of the Treasury,. house, house, and to agree with the hon. gentleman on all the American queftions. My fentiments, I am fure, are well known to him; and I thought I had been perfectly acquainted with his. Though I find myfel miftaken, he will fill permit me to ufe the privilege of an old friendship; he will permit me to apply myfelf to the house under the fanction of his authority; and, on the various grounds he has measured out, to fubmit to you the poor opinions which I have formed, upon a matter of importance, enough to demand the fulleft confideration I could bestow upon it. He has stated to the house two grounds of deliberation; one narrow and fimple, and merely confined to the queftion on your paper: the other more large and more complicated; comprehending the whole feries of the parliamentary proceedings with regard to America, their caufes, and their confequences. With regard to the latter ground, he states it as ufelefs, and thinks it may be even dangerous, to enter into fo extenfive a field of enquiry. Yet, to my furprize, he had hardly laid down this reftrictive propofition, to which his authority would have given fo much weight, when directly, and with the same authority, he condemns it; and declares it abfolutely neceffary to enter into the inott ample hif. torical detail. His zeal has thrown him a little out of his ufual accuracy. In this perplexity what fhall we do, Sir, who were willing to fubmit to the law he gives us? He has reprobated in one part of his fpeech the rule he had laid down for debate in the other; and, after narrowing the ground for all thofe who are to fpeak after him, he takes an excurfion himself, as unbounded as the fubject and the extent of his great abilities. Sir, when I cannot obey all his laws, I will do the best I can. I will endeavour to obey fuch of them as have the fanction of his example; and to flick to that rule, which, though not coufiftent with the other, is the most rational. He was certainly in the right when he took the matter largely. I cannot prevail on myfelf to agree with him in his cenfure of his own conduct, It is not, he will give me leave to fay, either useless or dangerous. He afferts, that retrospect is not wife; and the proper, the only proper, fubject of enquiry is, not how we got into this difficulty, but how we are to get out of it." In other words, we are, according to him, to confult our invention, and to reject our experience. The mode of deliberation he recommends is diametrically oppolite to every rule of reafon, and every principle of good fenfe eftablished among ft mankind. For that fenfe and that reafon I have always understood abfolutely to prefcribe, whenever we are involved in dificulties from the measures we have purfued, that we fhould take a firict review of those measures, in order to correct our errors if they thould be corrigible; or at leaft to avoid a dull unifor mity in mifchief, and the unpitied calamity of being repeatedly caught in the fame fnare. Sir, I will freely follow the Hon. Gentleman in his hiftorical difcuffion, without the leaft attention to the management for men or measures, further than as they fhall feem to me to deserve it. But before I go into that large confideration, because I would omit nothing that can give the house fatisfaction, I wish to tread the narrow ground to which alone the Hon. Gentleman, in one part of his fpeech, has fo ftrictly confined us. He defires to know, whether, if we were to repeal this tax, (agreeably to the propofition of the Hon. Gentleman who made the motion,) the Americans would not take poft on this conceffion, in order to make a new attack on the next body of taxes; and whether they would not call for a repeal of the duty on wine as loudly as they do now for the repeal of the duty on tea? Sir, I can give no fecurity on this fubject. But I will do all that I can, and all that can be fairly demanded. To the experience which the Hon. Gentleman reprobates in one inftant, and reverts to in the next; to that experience, without the leaft wavering or hesitation on my part, I fteadily appeal: and would to God there was no other arbiter to decide ou the vote with which the House is to conclude this day. When Parliament repealed the Stamp A&t in the year 1766, 1 affirm, firti, that the Americans did not in confequence of this measure call upon you to give up the former parliamentary revenue which fubfifted in that Country; or even any one of the articles which compofe it. I affirm alfo, that when, departing from the maxims of that repeal, you revived the fcheme of taxation, and thereby filled the minds of the Colonifts with new jealousy, and all forts of apprehensions, then |