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be fubfervient to the whims of a fine lady, and it now exerted itself to find out the cause of her friend's fuperior happinefs. She found it confifted in her confidering things really great only as matters of confequence, and treating trifles as fuch: and that what fe herfelf had hitherto looked upon as great, the thought small, and thofe fhe had treated as, matters of indifference, her friend treated as of the first importance.

Lucretia, by degrees, adopted Mrs. Talbot's opinions, and her manners foon began to appear fuitable to that fenfe and fweetnefs which nature had given her. She thewed lefs eagerness for every diverfion, was lefs difpleased with her mantua maker, gave fewer directions to her hair-dreffer, went with more pleasure to church than to a ball, and looked with a more equal eye on all the met at either. Her fears now first were raised, left she should not meet with that true fatisfaction in a married ftate, that The had fo much admired in her friend. When the had compared her lover with Mr. Talbot, fhe faw a wide difference: the one a man of the world, with the vices of the age; the other a man of fa fhion without them: but her parents would not fuffer her now to reconfider, and fhe was foon after married.

The gentleman, as will generally be the cafe, followed his ufual courfe of life, and gave himself but little concern about his affairs at home. His wife he often met at public places, and satisfied himself, that when he did not fee her, fhe was at fome other fashionable diverfion.

In about three years his fortune was nearly run out, by extravagancies of all forts, and his debts of honour were very large. Having, one evening, a very bad run at play, he returned home earlier than ufual, with a mind exceeding ly oppreffed. He eagerly enquired for his wife, though not with the leaft expetation of her being at home; they told him, however, the was so, and above faits. He went up in hafte, though he could not tell why, where he found her at work, with her two children playing about the room. She received him with vifible marks of furprize and pleasure. He asked her how the came not to be out? She faid he had preferred fraying at home, as the often did. He made no reply; his heart and head were too full. The next day, however, he again went to his beloved vice, and with the fame fuccefs. When he went home, he ran up kairs, as if certain to find his wife;

but he was out. Where was the gone? To Mrs. Talbot's. He refolved to follow her, as if to detect her in some unwarrantable place; for his mind was too much difturbed to recollect there were two of that name. When he enquired, and fhe was not there, he recollected the mistake; but ftill he followed her.

When he entered, he forgot fome apology was neceffary, for coming to a house he had never been in before; for as Mr. Talbot was quite a different man, he had but a very flight acquaintance with him. His politeness, however, foon relieved him, and without any marks of surprise, he defired him to fit down, and hoped he would affift at their little concert. The amusements of the evening continued till ten o'clock. When the company, about ten in number, broke up, Mr. Talbot afked them to stay to a family fupper, and turning to lady Groves, faid, "I thould hope, madam, to-night you would favour us, as lord Groves is here, though you have always left us before this time, when his lordship is at home ?”.

He received, in filent furprife, this unintended reproof, conscious he never had been at home fince they married before two in the morning. Lady Groves, however, declined, till lord Groves, whofe fpirits found relief in this eafy and innocent fociety, preffed her to ftay.They ftayed till paft eleven, and she entertained them with her agreeable and fenfible converfation, joined with much life and good humour.

As foon as they were at home, he threw himself at her feet, confeffed himfelf the blindest of mortals, and the most ungrateful, and ended with telling her, he had that evening parted with his last guinea, and reduced her and her children to beggary.

She entreated him to rife, and affured him he would esteem the loss of their fortune a trifle, if, by it, the gained him ease of mind; " for I am convinced,” faid fhe, " you will have greater tranquility in the hardest circumitances, than in the most affluent ones, when accompanied with actions that are not become a rational creature."

He found by experience, the fore of her arguments, and affured her, tha the last twelvemonth he had not enjoyed one moment's ease.

An uncle of her's dying about that time, left her, in trustees bands, twenty thousand pounds, and a fmall 'eftate; this the flew to tell him, and entreated

him to refume his ufual fpirits, for now firft they might begin to be happy.

From that time they lived in the moft extreme love and friendship, joining in every fociable duty, and in every party of pleasure. They spent their fummers at the house her uncle left her, and their winters in London as before. In a few years his estate was cleared, and he again enjoyed the pleasure of a large fortune; but having found by the bright example of his beautiful wife, that true pleasure confifts in moderation, and happiness in tranquility of mind, he ftill followed thofe ways of pleasantness, and those paths of peace.

Thus we see how INNOCENCE may fooner or later be the means of reclaiming those we hold most dear, or is fure, at least, to be its own reward, and to be honoured to the latest posterity. Thoughts on Slavery. By the Rev. John Wefey, A. M.

"BY

Y favery I mean, domeftic flavery, or that of a fervant to a master. A late ingenious writer well obferves, "the variety of forms in which flavery appears, make it almoft impoffible to convey a juft notion of it by way of definition, There are however certain properties which have accompanied flavery in most places, whereby it is easily distinguished from that mild domeftic Service which obtains in our country.

2. Slavery imports an obligation of perpetual fervice, an obligation which only the confent of the mafter can diffolve. Neither in fome countries can the mafter himself diffolve it, without the confent of judges appointed by the law. It generally gives the mafter an arbitrary power of any correction, not affecting life or limb. Sometimes even these are exposed to his will: or protected only by a fine, or fome flight punishment, too inconfiderable to reftrain a master of an harsh temper. It creates an incapacity of acquiring any thing, except for the mafter's benefit. It allows the mafter to alienate the flave, in the fame manner as his cows and horfes. Laftly, it defcends in its full extent from parent to child, even to the last generation.

3. The beginning of this may be dated from the remoteft period, of which we have an account in hiftory. It commen ced in the barbarous state of fociety, and in procefs of time spread into all nations. It prevailed particularly among the Jews,

NOTE.

* See Mr. Hargrave's plea for Somerfet the negro.

the Greeks, the Romans, and the ancient Germans: And was tranfmitted by them to the various kingdoms and flates, which arofe out of the Roman empire. But after christianity prevailed, it gradually fell into decline in almost all parts of Europe. This great change began in Spain, about the end of the eighth century, and was become general in most other kingdoms of Europe, before the middle of the fourteenth.

4. From this time flavery was nearly extinct, till the commencement of the fixteenth century, when the discovery of America, and of the western and eastern coafts of Africa, gave occafion to the revival of it. It took its rife from the Portuguese, who to fupply the Spaniards with men, to cultivate their new poffeffions in America, procured negroes from Africa, whom they fold for flaves to the year 1708, when they imported the first American Spaniards. This began in the negroes into Hifpaniola. In 1540, Charles the fifth, then king of Spain, determined to put an end to negro-flavery: Giving pofitive orders, that all the negro flaves in the Spanish dominions fhould be fet free. And this was accordingly done by Lagafca, whom he sent and impowered to free them all, on condition of continuing to labour for their mafters, But foon after Lagafca returned to Spain, flavery returned and flourished as before. Afterwards other nations, as they acquired poffeffions in America, followed the example of the Spaniards; and flavery has taken deep root in most of our American colonies.

II. Such is the nature of flavery. Such is the beginning of negro flavery in America. But fome may defire to know, what kind of country it is, from which the negroes are brought? What fort of men, of what temper and behaviour are they in their own country? And in what manner they are generally procured, carried to, and treated in America?

1. And first, What kind of country is that from whence they are brought? Is it fo remarkably horrid, dreary and barren, that it is a kindness to deliver them out of it? I believe many have apprehended fo: But it is an entire mistake, if we may give credit to those who have lived many years therein, and could have no motive to mifrepresent it.

2. That part of Africa, whence the negroes are brought, commonly known by the name of Guinea, extends along the coaft, in the whole, between three and four thousand miles. From the river Senegal (feventeen degrees north of th

line) to cape Sierra Leona, it contains feven hundred miles. Thence it runs eastward about fifteen hundred miles, including the Grain-coaft, the Ivory coaft, the Gold-coaft, and the Slave- coaft, with the large kingdom of Benin. From thence it runs fouthward, about twelve hundred miles, and contains the kingdoms of Congo and Angola.

3. Concerning the first, the Senegal coaft, Monf. Brue, who lived there fixteen years, after defcribing its fruitfulnefs near the fea, fays, "The farther you go from the fea, the more fruitful and well-improved is the country, aboun ding in pulfe, Indian corn, and various fruits. Here are vaft meadows, which feed large herds of great and fmall cattle. And the villages, which lie thick, fhew the country is well peopled." And again: "I was furprized to fee the land fo well cultivated; fcarce a fpot lay unimproved: The low lands divided by small canals, were all fowed with rice: The higher grounds were planted with Indian corn, and peas of different forts. Their beef is excellent; poultry plenty, and very cheap, as are all the neceffaries of life."

4. As to the Grain and Ivory-coaft, we learn from eye-witneffes, that the foil is in general fertile, producing abundance of rice and roots. Indigo and cotton thrive without cultivation. Fifh is in great plenty; the flocks and herds are numerous, and the trees loaden with fruit.

5. The Gold-coaft and Slave-coaft, all who have seen it agree, is exceeding fruitful and pleasant, producing vaft quantities of rice and other grain, plenty of fruit and roots, palm-wine and oil, and fish in great abundance, with much tame and wild cattle. The very fame account is given us of the foil and produce of the kingdoms of Benin, Congo and Angola. From all which it appears, that Guinea in general, is far from an horrid, dreary, barren country, is one of the most fruitful, as well as the most pleafant countries in the known world. It is faid indeed to be unhealthy. And fo it is to strangers, but perfectly healthy to the native inhabitants.

6. Such is the country from which the negroes are brought. We come next to enquire, What fort of men they are, of what temper and behaviour, not in our plantations, but in their native country, And here likewife the fureft way is to take our ac ount from eye and ear-witnetles. Now thofe who have lived in the Senegal country obferve, it is inha

bited by three nations, the Jalofs, Fulis and Mandingos. The king of the Ja lofs has under him feveral minifters, who affift in the exercise of justice. The chief juftice goes in circuit through all his dominions, to hear complaints and determine controverfies. And the Viceroy goes with him, to inspect the behaviour of the Alkadi, or governor of each village. The Fulis are governed by their chief men, who rule with much moderation. Few of them will drink any thing ftronger than water, being firic Mahometans. The Government is easy, because the people are of a quiet and good difpofition; and fo well inftructed in what is right, that a man who wrongs another is the abomination of all.-They defire no more land than they use, which they cultivate with great care and induitry: If any of them are known to be made flaves by the white men, they all join to redeem them. They not only fupport all that are old, or blind, or lame among themselves; but have frequently fupplied the neceffities of the Mandingos, when they were diftreft by famine.

7. The Mandingos, fays Monf. Brue, are right Mahometans, drinking neither wine nor brandy. They are industrious and laborious, keeping their ground well cultivated, and breeding a good stock of cattle. Every town has a governor, and he appoints the labour of the people. The men work the ground defigned for corn; the women and girls, the riceground. He afterwards divides the corn and rice among them; and decides all quarrels, if any arife. All the Mahometan negroes conftantly go to public prayers thrice a day: there being a priest in every village who regularly calls them together: and it is furprizing to fee the modefty, attention and reverence which they obferve during their worship.--Thefe three nations practife feveral trades; they have fmiths, fadlers, potters, and weavers; and they are very ingenious at their feveral occupations. Their faiths not only make all the inftruments of iron, which they have occation to use, but likewife work many things neatly in gold and filver. It is chiefly the women and children who weave fine cotton cloth, which they dye blue and black.

8. It was of these parts of Guinea, that Monf. Adanfon, correfpondent of the royal academy of fciences at Paris, from 1749 to 1753, gives the following account, both as to the country and people. "Which way foever I turned my eyes, I beheld a perfect image of pure nature. An agreeable folitude, bound

ed

ed on every fide by a charming landscape; the rural fituation of cottages, in the midst of trees; the eafe and quietnefs of the negroes, reclined under the fhade of the fpreading foliage, with the fimplicity of their drets and manners: The whole revived in my mind the idea of our firft parents, and I feemed to contemplate the world in its primitive state. They are generally speaking, very good-natured, fociable and obliging. I was not a little pleased with my very firft reception, and it fully convinced me, that there ought to be a confiderable abatement made in the accounts we have of the favage character of the Africans." He adds, "It is amazing that an illiterate people should reafon fo pertinently concerning the heavenly bodies. There is no doubt, but that with proper inftruments, they would become excellent aftronomers."

9. The inhabitants of the Grain and Ivory-coaft are reprefented by thofe that deal with them, as fenfible, courteous, and the fairest traders on the coafts of Guinea. They rarely drink to excefs: If any do, they are feverely punished by the king's order. They are feldom troubled with war: If a difference happen between two nations, they commonly end the difpute amicably..

The inhabitants of the Gold and Slave coaft likewife, when they are not artfully incensed against each other, live in great union and friendship, being generally well tempered, civil, tractable, and ready to help any that need it. In particular, the natives of the kingdom of Whidah, are civil, kind and obliging to ftrangers. And they are the moft gentlemen-like of all the negroes, abounding in good manners towards each other. The inferiors pay the utmost respect to their fuperiors: So wives to their hufbands, children to their parents. And they are remarkably induftrious; all are conftantly employ'd; the men in agriculture, the women in fpinning and weaving

cotton.

10. The Gold and Slave Coasts are divided into feveral diftricts, fome governed by kings, others by the principal men, who take care each of their own town or village, and prevent or appeafe tumults. They punish murder and adultery feverely, very frequently with death. Theft and robbery are punifhed by a fine proportionable to the goods that were taken. All the natives of this coaft, though heathens, believe there is one God, the author of them and all things. They appear likewife to have a confufed apprehenfion of a future ftate. And accord

ingly every town and village has a place of public worship.-It is remarkable that they have no beggars among them; fuch is the care of the chief men, in every city and village, to provide fome eafy labour, even for the old and weak. Some are employed in blowing the fmith's bellows; others in preffing palm oil; others in grinding of colours. If they are too weak even for this, they fell provifions in the market.

II. The natives of the kingdom of Benin are a reasonable and good-natured people. They are fincere and inoffenfive, and do no injuftice either to one another or to ftrangers. They are eminently civil and courteous. If you make them a prefent, they endeavour to repay it double. And if they are trufted, till the fhip returns the next year, they are fure Honeftly to pay the whole debt. Theft is punifhed among them, although not with the fame feverity as murder. If a man and woman of any quality are taken in adultery, they are certain to be put to death, and their bodies thrown on a dunghill, and left a prey to wild beafts. They are punctually juft and honest in their dealings; and are alfo very charitable: the king and the great lords taking care to employ all that are capable of any work. And thofe that are utterly helplefs they keep for God's fake: fo that here alfo are no beggars. The inhabitants of Congo and Angola are generally a quiet people. They difcover a good understanding, and behave in a friendly manner to ftrangers, being of a mild temper and an affable carriage.Upon the whole therefore the negroes who inhabit the coast of Africa, from the river Senegal to the fouthern bounds of Angola, are fo far from being the ftupid, fenfeless, brutish, lazy, barbarians, the fierce, cruel, perfidious favages, they have been described, that on the contrary, they are reprefented by them who have no motive to flatter them, as remarkably fenfible, confidering the few advantages they have for improving their understanding: As induftrious to the highest degree, perhaps more fo than any other natives of fo warm a climate: As fair, just and honeft in all their dealings, unlefs where white men have taught them to be otherwife: And as far more mild, friendly and kind to strangers, than any of our fore-fathers were. Our forefathers! Where fhall we find at this day, among the fair-faced natives of Europe, a nation generally practifing the juftice, mercy, and truth, which are found among these poor Africans? Suppofe the preceding accounts are

true (which I fée no reason or pretence to doubt of) we may leave England and France, to feek genuine honesty in Benin, Congo, or Angola.

III. We have now feen what kind of country it is, from which the negroes are brought: And what fort of men (even white-men being the judges) they were in their own country. Enquire we, thirdly, in what manner are they generally procured, carried to, and treated in America.

1. First. In what manner are they procured? Part of them by fraud. Captains of fhips from time to time, have invited negroes to come on board and then carried them away. But far more have been procured by force. The chriftians landing upon their coafts, feized as many as they found, men, women and children, and tranfported them to America. It was about 1551, that the English began trading to Guinea: At first for gold and elephants teeth, but foon after for men. In 1556, Sir John Hawkins failed with two fhips to Cape Verde, where he fent eighty men on fhore to catch negroes. But the natives flying, they fell farther down, and there fet the men on fhore, "to burn their towns and take the inhabitants." But they met with fuch refiftance, that they had feven men killed, and took but ten negroes. So they went ftill farther down, till having taken enough, they proceeded to the Weft-Indies and fold them.

2. It was fome time before the Europeans found a more compendious way of procuring African flaves, by prevailing upon them to make war upon each other, and to fell their prifoners. Till then they feldom had any wars: but were in general quiet and peaceable: But the white men firft taught them drunkenness and avarice, and then hired them to fell one another. Nay, by this means, even their kings are induced to fell their own fubjects. So Mr. Moore (factor of the African company in 1730) informs us, "When the king of Barfalli wants goods or brandy, he fends to the Englith governor at James' fort, who immediately fends 'a floop. Againit the time it arrives, he plunders fome of his neighbours towns, felling the people for the goods he wants. At other times he falls upon one of his own towns, and makes bold to fell his own fubjects." So Monf. Brue fays, "I wrote to the king (not the fame)" if he had a fufficient number of flaves I would treat with him. He feized three hundred of his own people, and fent word, he was ready to deliver then

for the goods." He adds, "Some of the natives are always ready, (when well paid)" to furprise and carry off their own countrymen. They come at night without noife, and if they find any lone cottage, furiound it and carry off all the people."-Barbot (another French factor) fays, "Many of the slaves fold by the negroes are prifoners of war, or taken in the incurfions they make into their enemy's territories. Others are flolen. Abundance of little blacks of both fexes, are ftolen away by their neighbours, when found abroad on the road, or in the woods, or elfe in the corn fields, at the time of the year when their parents keep them there all day to scare away the devouring birds." That their own parents fell them, is utterly false: Whites, not blacks, are without natural affection.

3. To fet the manner wherein negroes are procured in a yet ftronger light, it will fuffice to give an extract of two voyages to Guinea on this account. The firit is taken verbatim from the original manuscript of the furgeon's journal.

"SESTRO, Dec. 29, 1724. No trade to-day, though many traders came on board. They informed us, that the people are gone to war within land and will bring prifoners enough in two or three days; in hopes of which we stay.

"The 30th. No trade yet: but our traders came on board to-day, and informed us the people had burnt four towns: So that to-morrow we expect flaves enough.

"The 31ft. Fair weather: bnt no trading yet. We fee each night towns burning. But we hear many of the Seftro men are killed by the inland negroes: So that we fear this war will be unfuc cessful.

"2d of January. Laft night we saw a prodigious fire break out about eleven o'clock, and this morning fee the town of Seftro burnt down to the ground.' (It contained fome hundred houfes.),

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So that we find their enemies are too hard for them at prefent, and confequently our trade spoiled here. Therefore about feven o'clock we weighed anchor, to proceed lower down."

4. The fecond extract taken from the journal of a furgeon, who went from New York on the fame trade, is as follows: "The commander of the vessel fent to acquaint the king, that he wanted a cargo of flaves. The king promifed to furnish him; and in order to it, fet out, defigning to furprize fome town, and make all the people prifoners. Some time af

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