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whence could they have acquired them, but from the profits of their labour? but the trade of England, fay they, has been greatly augmented by the colonies. It is by no means clear that the fame increafe would not have happened if the colonies had never existed, for England had many avenues open for her commercial induftry. But without purfuing that confideration, from what fource did the colonies derive the ability, and the means of trading with England? Who paid for the axe and the faw with which they cut down the trees, and made it into boards to cover their huts at their first landing? or through whofe credit have they fince built towns, improved their farms, and erected for themselves ftately houfes? Is it not to the English merchants they are Indebted for all their opulence?"

In the fequel of the pamphlet it is obferved, that England pays for the purchafe of the land in America, for the Labour in clearing, and for the maintaining the stock neceffary to its cultivation! that her return is a commiffion upon the fale of the produce, with a moderate intereft, not very well paid, upon the capital advanced, while all the profit of the increased value belongs folely to the Americans.

We fhall lay before our readers the conclufion of the pamphlet, which reSpects the motives and views of the Americans in the present difpute.

I acquit them of any intention offe parating from Great Britain; for I believe them too wife to renounce all the advantages of being treated as Englishmen in Great Britain and throughout the world; of enjoying the protection of her fleet and armies equally with the people of England; and at the fame time neither contributing revenue to their fupport, or dealing with her for any thing which they can buy cheaper, or fell dearer elsewhere. They would no doubt like to continue to have the monopoly of fupplying the British Weft-India iflands with lumber and provitions; to have the monopoly of fupplying Great Britain and Ireland with tobacco; to receive large bounties upon other of their products out of the revenue of England; to have the advantage of fishing on the English fishing banks of Newfoundland; and in the gulph and river of the English conquer ed colony of Quebec, provided they continued to pay no revenue, were fubject to no restraints upon their trade, but might carry their commodities wherever they thought fit, import all fort of goods

from all countries, and lay out their money wherever they could buy cheapest. This is all very natural; and no one can blame the colonies for feeking what is so evidently for their own intereft; but that they fhould expect the people of England, the trading part especially, to countenance them in their purfuits of a plan fo manifeftly ruinous to them, is indeed fuch a proof of their contempt for our understanding as no people ever gave before. They plainly tell the British merchants, “ Gentlemen, we have now made fortunes out of your capital, and we find that the people in England pay fuch heavy taxes for the payment of the intereft of a debt, which they contracted in our defence; for the maintenance of a military force, of which we enjoy the protection; that fome of their manufactures come higher charged to us, than we can get the like for from Holland or France: we alfo find, that from the fame cause they cannot afford to give as high prices for fome of our commodities, as we can fell them for in other countries. Now there are certain acts of parliament, which oblige us to come to you for what we want; and to carry to you many of our commodities in payment; we defire therefore that you will affift us in our endeavours to fet afide the authority of thefe laws, that we may trade where we will; and come no more to you but when we cannot do fo well elsewhere. There is another thing too which we want you to join us in ; we are prevented by an act of parliament from entailing our eftates to the prejudice of our English creditors; we now owe them about four millions, and if this act was out of our way, we could make all our families rich at once, by purchasing lands, and building houses, with this money, and fettling them upon our children, inftead of paying our English creditors: but as we are afraid the parliament might perceive our drift, in applying for repeals of these laws, or if they even repealed them now, they might hereafter re-enact them, or others of a like nature, which would defeat our purpose of rifing upon the ruins of England; we have taken up a refolution of getting rid of all these acts at once, and at the fame time making ourselves fecure against all future acts that might be made to our prejudice, or for your benefit. This refolution is no other than to deny the authority of the legislature to make any acts whatever to bind us. In this our grand purpose, we hope you

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will do all you can by petitioning, inftructing, and remonftrating in our behalf; for if you do not join us in deftroying yourselves, we tell you once for all, that we will neither buy goods of you, nor pay you for those we have already bought, for we are determined to carry our point by one means or another."

I appeal to the understandings of my countrymen whether this is an exaggerated representation of the colony claims, as fet forth and stated in feveral pamphlets, and the refolutions of their public affemblies: And I think I need not ufe any further arguments to convince the merchants and manufacturers of Great Britain, how fatal to their interests the fuccefs of the colonies in their designs must be. The continuance of their trade to the colonies, clearly and entirely depends upon the laws of England having authority there. It is their operation which binds the commerce of the colonies to this country. It is their operation which gives fecurity to the property of the trader sent thither. Give up the authority of parliament, and there is an end to your trade, and a total lofs of your property. But if that authority is fupported and maintained, the trade of the colonies must remain to Great Britain, and the property you intruft them with will remain fecure, protected by acts of parliament made in your behalf."

The oppofition of the Americans to the British legislature, is here confidered rather in the light of ingratitude, than as unconftitutional. As far, however, as the pamphlet exhibits a retrospective view of the conduct of Great Britain towards her Colonies, it may ferve to fhew that her policy has been dictated by a regard to the reciprocal interest of both countries.

Doctor William Tifdall's Account of the Trial of Eight reputed Witches at Carrickfergus, March 31, 1711.

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I Received yours last week, for which own myself much obliged to you; and do here fend you fomething in return, which, perhaps, you may think as well worth reading, as I did writing from the notes, which I myself took from the mouths of the fworn witnesses.

What I here fend you, is an account of the trial of eight fuppofed witches, accused of tormenting a young gentlewoman, one Mrs. Dunbar. I must here premife to you, that there was no lawyer to manage the trial, so that the evidence

not being produced in any order, the circumstances of time and place were fo perplexed and confufed, that were it not for fo many glaring matters of fact which pierced through all clouds that could be raised, men might have gone away without having either discovered truth, or fatisfied their curiofities. This was taken notice of by the council at the bar, and one of them declared, had any of them been affigned to manage the trial and evidence, they would have willingly done it without fee, &c. I tell you this as an apology why I do not here ftick to the manner of the tria!; but you may depend upon it I will to the matter, with all exactness.

At the beginning of the trial it seemed the defire of the jury that fome facts, ante. cedent to this fact, fhould be enquired into; but this was overruled by the bench, which to me feemed very unaccountable, confidering the great dependance between fome antecedent and these fubfequent facts, which doubtless were a series of the fame preternatural caufes and effects; and would have reflected much light to each other: So that to give you the most perfect image I can of this whole matter, I choose the following methods. ft. To give a brief character of the witneffes produced, the party afflicted, and the perfons accused as her tormentors, or the fuppofed witches.

2ndly, I will let you know in what manner the fuppofed witches were disco. vered by the afflicted person.

3dly. What facts appeared most extraordinary and preternatural, through the courfe of the evidence.

4thly. If I have time, will give you two or three of my own remarks upon the whole.

ift. The chief evidences produced on this trial were fix perfons, of good re pute for understanding and integrity, and feemingly of good fashion and substance, and the most confiderable perfons in the

neighbourhood where the facts happened.

The party afflicted was a young girl, aged about 18 years, with an open and innocent countenance; fhe was a very intelligent young gentlewoman. I difcourfed with her after the trial, and received very fatisfactory and reasonable anfwers from her; fhe was an utter firanger in that country where she was afflicted, and only came there on a vifit to a relation. She neither knew, nor was known by any of the perfons accufed;

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as was confeffed by the accufed, and the mother of the afflicted.

The fuppofed witches were eight in number, fix of them with fuch itrange variety of ill looks, that had the afflisted known them before, it might have given grounds to fufpect the had fingled them out for her tormentors, even from their diabolical appearances; the feventh was not fo difagreeable, but had a fedate and compoted countenance. The eighth was a young girl, of about 17, who feemed by her countenance, to have more of the Lancashire than Scotch witch; fhe had a fair complexion and a very good face, and fo was reprefented by the afflicted before fhe was difcovered.

2ndly. The fuppofed witches were difcovered by the afflicted, after this manner: Upon the death of one Mrs. Haltridge, who (as is generally believed by the neighbourhood) was bewitched to death, there was an apron, which had been miffing fome time before, brought back, tied with nine knots; this afflicted was the first who found it, and untied all the knots without the leaft fear or fufpicion of witchcraft; after which, in the evening, fhe was feized with a violent fit; and recovering, cried out, that a knife was run thro' her thigh; that fhe was most grievoufly afflicted by three women, whom the described with the greatest particularity imaginable; but could then give no account of their names. She was again feized with a fecond fit, about midnight; and in her vifion, there appeared to her (as fhe declared when the came out of her fit) feven or eight women, who converfed together, and called each other, fome by their christian and some by their firnames. The defcriptions the afflicted gave of them, together with fome of their names, were fo very particular, that feveral of them were guelfed at, and fent from different parts to the afflicted, whom the diftinguished from many other women who were brought with them. She was conftantly more afflicted as they approached the house; particularly, there was one Latimer, who had been fent from Carrickfergus privately by Mr. Adair, the diffenting teacher; when the came into the house where the afflicted was (viz.) in hand Magee, none of them fufpected her, but the afflicted fell into a fit as the came near the house, and, recovering when the woman was in the chamber, the first words the faid were, O Latimer, Latimer! (which was her

name) and her defcription agreed moft exactly to the perfon.

After this manner were all the rest difcovered; and at one time the fingled out one of her tormentors amongst thirty, whom they brought to fee if they could deceive her either in the name or defcription of the accused perfon. All this was fworn to by perfons who were present, as having heard it from the afflicted, as the recovered from her several fits. The fuppofed witches were called to the bar to compare them with the defcriptions given by the afflicted at feveral times; and it is really inconceivable to imagine how exactly they all agreed to the defcriptions given; though it was confeffed they never had seen the afflicted, nor the afflicted them. One particular, which feemed most extraordinary in this matter, was this: in her fits he had often her tongue trust into her windpipe, in fuch a manner that she was like to choak, and the root feemed to be pulled up into her mouth.

Upon her recovery from thefe fits fhe complained extremely of one Main (I think her name was) who had twifted her tongue; and fhe told them, that the had tore her throat, and tortured her violently by reafon of her crooked fingers and fwelled knuckles. The woman was called to the bar, upon this evidence, and ordered to fhew her hand; it was really amazing to fee the exact agreement betwixt the defcription of the afflicted and the hand of the fuppofed tormentor, all the joints were diftorted, and the tendons fhrivelled up as the afflicted had described.

3dly. What facts appeared moft extraordinary upon the trial.

It was fworn to by most of the evidences, that in fome of her fits, three ftrong men were scarce able to hold her down, that he would mutter to herself, and speak fome words diftinctly, and tell every thing he had faid in her converfation with the witches, and how the came to fay fuch and fuch things, which the spoke when in her fits.

2ndly, One of the men who held her in a fit, fwore fhe had nothing visible on her arnis, when he took hold of them, and that all in the room faw fome worlied yarn tied round her wrist, which was put on invifibly; there was upon this itring feven double knots and one fingle one.

3dly. She cried out in one of her fits, that he was grievoufly tormented with a pain about her knee; upon which the

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women in the room looked at her knee, and found a fillet tied fatt above it: Her mother fwore to the fillet, that it was the fame the had given her that morning, and had feen it tied about her head: this fillet had also feven double knots and one fingle one.

4thly. Her mother was advised by a popih priest to use a counter-charm, by writing fome words out of the firit chapter of St. John in a paper, and tying the paper, with an incle, three times round her neck, knotted each time: This charm the girl herself declined; but her mother, in one of the times of her being afflicted, used it: She was in a violent fit upon the bed, held down by a man, and recovering a little, complained grievoufly of a pain in her back, and about her middle; immediately the company obferved the individual incle, which had been tied about her neck, tied round her middle with feven double knots and one fingle one; this was fworn to by feveral. The man who held the afflicted, was afked by the judge, if it were poffible fhe could reach the incle about her neck whilft he held her? he faid, it was not by virtue of his oath, be having all that time her hands faft down.

sthly. There was a great quantity of things produced in court, and fworn to be what he had vomited out of her throat. I had them all in my hand, and found there was a great quantity of feathers, cotton, yarn, pins, and two large waiftcoat buttons; at least as much as would fill my hand; they gave evidence to the court they had feen thofe very things coming out of her mouth, and had received them into their hands as the threw them up. 6thly. The afflicted, during one of her fits, was obferved by feveral perfons to flide off the bed in an unaccountable manner: and to be laid gently upon the ground, as if fupported and drawn invifibly. Upon her recovery, fhe told them the feveral perfons who had drawn her in that manner, with an intention, as they told her, of bearing her out of the window, then open; but that the refecting at that time, and calling upon God in her mind, they let her drop on the floor.

7thly. The afflicted, recovering from a fit, told the perfons prefent, that her tormentors had declared the fhould not have power to go over the threshold of the chamber door; the evidence declared they had feveral times attempted to lead January, 1775.

her out of the door, and that she was as often thrown into fits as they had brought her to the said threshold; that to pursue the experiment farther, they had the faid threshold taken up, upon which they were immediately ftruck with fo ftrong a smell of brimstone, that they were scarce able to bear it; that the stench spread through the whole house, and afflicted feveral, to that degree, that they grew fick in the ftomach, and were much difordered. These were the principal facts fworn to in the court: to which most of the evidence gave their joint testimony.

It feems the fuppofed tormentors had told the afflicted, the day before the trial, that she should have no power to give evidence in court. She was accordingly that morning before the trial ftruck dumb, and fo continued in court, during the whole trial, but had no violent fit. I faw her in the court caft her eyes about, in a wild diftracted manner, and it was then thought the was recovering from her fit, and it was hoped fhe would give in her own evidence. I obferved, as they were raifing her up, fhe funk into the arms of a perfon who held her, clofed her eyes, and feemed perfectly fenfeless and motionlefs. I went to fee her after the trial; fhe told me the knew not where the was when in court; that she had been afflicted all that time by three perfons, of whom he gave a particular defcription, both of their proportions, habits, hair, features, and complexion. She faid fhe had never feen thofe perfons, till the day before the trial.

When all the witneffes were examined upon oath to the precedent facts, the judges ordered the prifoners at the bar, to offer what they could to the court, in their own defence. They all, in general, pofitively denied the facts charged against-them: one of them with the worst look, and generally the most fufpected, called the great God of Heaven and Earth to witnefs that he was injured, The character of each person was inquired into; fome of them were of a general ill fame, which upon enquiry, seemed rather due to their ill looks, than to any facts or rumour of facts, proved against them. It was made appear, upon oath, that most of them had received the communion, fome of them very lately; that feveral of them had been laborious induftrious people, had frequently been known to pray in their families, both publickly and privately; molt of them could fay the Lord's prayer (which it is generally

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generally faid they learned in prifon) they being every one prefbyterians.

When they had ended their defence, judge Upton fummoned up the whole evidence, with great exactnefs and perfpicuity, notwithstanding the confufed manner in which it was offered. He feemed entirely of opinion that the jury could not bring them in guilty, upon the fole teftimony of the afflicted person's vifionary images. He faid, he could not doubt but the whole matter was preternatural, and diabolical, but conceived, that had the perfons accused been really witches, and in compact with the Devil, it could hardly be prefumed they fhould be fuch conftant attendants upon divine fervice, both in public and private.

Mr. Juftice Mc. Cartney spoke to the jury, after judge Upton had ended. He feemed to add nothing to what judge Upton had said, but differed from him in opinion; and thought the jury might, from the evidence, bring them in guilty; which they accordingly did.

4thly. The remarks which I think fit to make upon the whole affair, are as follow. ft. I am of opinion that these extraordinary facts, proved upon oath, in the course of the evidence, were all preternatural; not to be performed by the common courfe of fecond caufes, nor foluble, by any human reafon. 2ndly. Our christian faith being founded chiefly upon miraculous and preternatural effects, wrought by the immediate power of God, and conftantly appealed to by Chrift himself, as miraculous, and wrought for that great end, I take this for a propofition generally true, that all preternatural operations wrought fince the ceafing of miracles for the confirmation of Chrift's divine miffion, and establishment of our faith, may reasonably be prefumed to be diabolical; and alfo when these preternatural effects are wrought for bad ends, or even fuch as are unaccountable, fuch as tormenting this innocent perfon, &c. they must needs be fuppofed diabolical.

3dly. The tormented perfon being feveral miles diftant from the fuppofed tormentors, during her fits, it is evident the afflicted was not perfonally, but vifionarily affected, if by them. That had the images reprefented to the imagination of the afflicted perfon been of perfons deceafed, it is probable this would not have paffed for witchcraft; but for apparitions of fpirits; nor is it to be doubted, but the devil may as well reprefent

the images of the one as the other. This being premifed, the main queftion upon which the whole muft tend to prove the fuppofed witches guilty of thefe facts, mutt be this: Can the devil reprefent the images of innocent perfons to demoniacks, or perfons under diabolical poffeffions, or in fuch fits as this afflicted is supposed to have had.

It is evident, if the devil cannot,thefe tormentors accused by the afflicted, mult be prefumed guilty, there not being the leaft ground to doubt but the afflicted, in her fits, or poffeffions, had the images of thefe very accused perfons conveyed to her imgaination. It is as evident, that if the devil can reprefent the images of innocent perfons, in such cases, the accufed could not justly be found guilty of these facts, because it is from thence to be fuppofed that he might have as well raised the images of the perfons of the jury, as of the prifoners at the bar.

The nature of the thing doth not seem capable of a demonftration, whether the devil can, or cannot, reprefent the ima ges of innocent perfons: but I prefume to fay, there are much more convincing reafons to believe that he can, than that he cannot, and confequently that the prifoners ought rather to be acquitted than condemned for the facts laid to their charge. ft. The devil has represented an angel of light, and why he may not as well reprefent the images of innocent perfons, as of an angel of light, I cannot apprehend.

2ndly. He has reprefented the image of a faint in Heaven, viz. that of Samuel to Saul, by the mediation of the witch of Endor; and why the devil, who can reprefent the image of a faint in Heaven, cannot that of an innocent perfon on earth, I cannot fee.

3rdly. The devil has tormented innocent perfons whilft living, as in the cafe of Job, and even of this afflicted woman; and it seems an argument a fortiori that he who can torment an innocent perfon, may also represent the image of an innocent perfon, to the tormented. If it be faid, it is not to be prefumed that God would permit the devil to raise the images of innocent perfons, in the imagination of the afflicted, as in this cafe; the fure confequence of fuch reprefentations being to have innocent persons arraigned, accufed, lofe their reputations, and perhaps their lives, it may be with equal force retorted, that God would not permit the devil to torture or afflict

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