riches acquired by their Governors, and other fervants, as being plundered from the Company: and though the amazing property lately acquired in the Peninfula within the Ganges, and in Indofian, is fuperior to the revenue of many Crown ed Heads (as the clear revenue of the Company amounts to near two millions terling), they were obliged to apply for Support to the Government, unable to 400,000l. annually; while they are effered to enjoy their revenues, part of which has been granted in property, and the other part fecured on mortgages, for charging their expences in fupporting the intereft of their friends the Emperor, and the refpective Soubahs and Nabobs they have a lifted.

This Company exercifes many rights appropriated to Sovereignty; fuch as thofe of holding forts, coining money, &c. These powers are undoubtedly incompatible with the principles of a commercial limited Company; and it becomes the dignity of the English Government to take fuch measures with the Eaftern Potentates, as may render the acquifitions of the company permanent and na

tional.

The peace of Aix-la-Chapelle was only a temporary ceffation from general hoftilities, as the French and English ftill carried on hostile operations in the EaftIndies. This immenfe tract of country comprehends the whole Peninfula of India Proper. On the coaft of this rich territory the English, the French, and feveral other powers of Europe, had built forts, with the original confent of the Mogul, who claims the fovereignty of the whole Empire; but his power isfcarce felt or acknowledged in the remoter provinces; and even the Nabobs, who were originally of his appointment, have rendered themselves independant, and deny him tribute and homage.

Thefe Princes, in their contefts, inftead of having recourfe to the Mogul for redrefs, applied to the European powers whom they can either purchase, or engage in their intereft. The French and English acted at first as auxiliaries to the contending Nabobs, and became by degrees pricipals in the difpute. The fuccefs on each fide, for fome time after the Treaty of Aix-la-chapelle, feemed doubtful, till at length the English began to gain the afcendancy, by the courage and conduct of Major Lawrence, affiffed by Mr. Clive, lately returned from Europe. He fhewed that he had talents for war, January, 1775

though unnoticed till then by all those who had lived with him in intimacy. He was cool, deliberate, referved, and interprifing. What he had applied himfelf chiefly to, during twelve years refidence in India, was the Topography, the want of national courage and military difcipline, in Indoftan. He acquired, by thefe operations, the epithet of Heaven born General, conferred upon him afterwards by Mr. Pitt; though, in fact, he had been fcarcely qualified, after his successful campaign to have served as an Aid-de-camp to Prince Ferdinand in Germany.

It was really by his vigilance and activity that the Province of Arcot was cleared of the enemy, the French General taken prifoner, and the Nabob in the English intereft re-inftated in the government of which he had been deprived. But he owed chiefly thefe advantages to the difcouragement and weakness of the French in this part of the world. The two Companies agreed to a ceffation of arms; but as they flattered themselves of advan→ tage to either fide, by the renewal of hoftilities, this compact was of short continuance. They re-commenced their warlike operations, not with the flowness and circumfpection of Allies, but as competitors in arms and commerce. Avarice, the parent of Injuftice and Cruelty, was the true motive of this infraction.

The Viceroy of Bengal, ftimulated by perfonal refentment, declared against the English, and took by affault Calcut ta, one of their forts, that had been left defencelefs. It was to fatiate his revenge, as a barbarian, that the garrifon, confifting of 146 perfons, were crouded into a prifon, called the Black Hole, without any entrance for air to fupport life in this burning climate. The next morning exhibited a fcene of horror and defolation-Twenty-three only furvived, of a'lthe wretches thus immured, and fuffocating each other.

The fortune of Mr. Clive flill prevailed. A fleet, under the command of Admiral Watson, heiped him in his victories, and encreafed his military reputa tion. He failed with the Admiral into the harbour of Geriah, the refidence of Angria, a piratical Prince, who had long annoyed with his gallies the Company's fettlements. Having fuftained a warm fire from the enemy, they threw all his fleet and his forts into flames.

Mr. Clive refolving to revenge the. treatment of the English at Calcutta, im F

parted

parted his design to the Admiral; who with two fhips arrived before the town, and returned the furious fire he received from all the batteries with ftill greater execution; and in less than two hours the place was abandoned. Hughley, a city of great trade, was alfo reduced with as little difficulty; and all the viceroy of Bengal's flore-houfes and granaries deftroyed. This barbarous Prince, fully refolved to expel the English out of his dominions, affembled a formidable army. Col. Clive, on the firft intelligence of his march, with a reinforcement of men, from the Admiral's hips, advanced in three columns to attack him; and the English commander reaped again the fruit and the reputation of this victory.

What could effeminate Afiatics do against European troops hardened by war, and inured to all the viciffitude of climate? It is not very furprising if 1000 Europeans fhould difcomfit 30,000 Indians nurtured in indolence and voluptuoufness, with no other courage but that infpired by opium. Such difproportionate victories make no longer the heroism of Alexander the subject of admiration.

The cowardice of the Viceroy of Bengal rendered him defpicable, as his for 'mer infolence and cruelty had made him odious. Col. Clive availed himfelf of the confpiracy projected against him by Ali Kan his Prime Minifter, and feized the opportunity of feconding it with all his army. He marched forward accordingly, took the town of Cutwa in his march, came up with the Viceroy's army, and, after a fhort conteft, put the whole to flight, with terrible flaughter. This boafted victory was more useful than glorious to the conqueror, as he encountered a daftardly prince, who cowardly deferted his army, and abandoned his treasures to the rapacious victors. Ali Kan, as the price of his treachery, was, by the influence of Col. Clive, folemnly proclaimed Viceroy of Bengal, Bahar, and Orixa, in the room of the former Viceroy, who was depofed, and foon after put to death by the perfidy of his fucceffor, and the vile intrigues of Mr. Clive. The new Viceroy granted him all his demands, and even fatisfied them to the most extended with of avarice.

Col. Clive had alfo the reputation of having fubdued the French, though he owed his fucceffes chiefly to the fkill and activity of the Admirals Watfon and Pocock. Chandenagore, the moft important French fettlement in the Bay of

Bengal, fubmitted to the English army. The lofs of this place ruined their commerce in that part of India, which they had long divided. Thus the English, in one campaign, became poffeffed of an extenfive, fertile, and wealthy country: yet, perhaps, our former victories will teach the native barbarians to avail themfelves of their numbers, and to conquer.

As our plan is not to enumerate all the military atchievements of Mr. Clive, it fuffices to fay, that he was afterwards equally fortunate. He had undoubtedly fome merit as a foldier; but he owed more to fortune than any British Commander. He was twice Governor of Bengal; and it feems his principal object, as the head of this rich fettlement, was to accumulate wealth, regardless of justice and a good, name.

The English, deluded by the fplendor of his victories, received him at his return to his native country, like the tutelar deity of the Indies; and the great honours he was raised to by his prefent Majefty were reckoned the juft rewards of his fervices. Yet his thirst for wealth was not fatiated by the incredible treafures he had acquired. He returned to India with almoft unlimited powers, which he ftill abused in the greatest latitude by his extortions, monopolies, and depredations. His ambition was to be the richest fubject in England: and, indeed, as it is computed that he acquired about three millions sterling in India, no wonder that his wifh was accomplished. He purchafed in Shropshire, his native county, immenfe eftates, acquired the fplendid and favourite feat of the late Duke of Newcastle, procured feats in Parliament for all his friends and dependants, and eclipfed all the ancient Nobility by his fplendor and oftentation. Amidst these worldly grandeurs and princely profpects, he felt the horrors of a guilty confcience, and became the object of public odium, and national enquiry. Still his fortune faved him, if not from public reproach, at least from punishment, and forfeiture of his ill-gotten wealth. Thefe mortifications, and the fevere reflections of the Prefs on his paft tranfactions, were cutting for a man of his proud fpirit, who instead of the homage he had formerly received, in all the pomp and arrogance of an Afiatic Prince, was funk into contempt and execration.

His ftudied fpeeches in Parliament, efpecially that in his vindication, were suppofed the product of the eloquence and fophiftry

fophiftry of an eminent Lawyer, his friend and advocate.

Like all the Afiatic Commanders, he introduced all the refinements of luxury into his table, his dress, his equipage,and his brilliant attendance.

To fum up his public and private character: As a Commander, he was inacceffible, fevere, and imperious; jealous and diftrustful of officers of merit, and unmindful of the fate and prefervation of the foldiers; as a Conqueror, mercilefs, bloody, and rapacious. The maxims of Machiavel were the principles of his government; and when raifed to the first military employs, he fcorned to account for his conduct to those who were his mafters, and had an undoubted right to arraign his unjust and arbitrary proceedings. He was naturally ferious, referved, and gloomy. His generofity was of tentation, his gratitude selfishness, and his gracious deportment diffimulation and policy. He was a man of gallantry in India, prone to venery, but indifferent as to the fate of his natural offspring. In Europe he acted as a civil hufband, a prudent father, and a master used to command. In the latter part of his life he grew peevish, reftlefs, and melancho ly; and though he did not expect fo foon his diffolution, it is fuppofed, as his exiftence was become to him rather a burthen than a pleasing sensation, he had long wifhed for this ultimate scene of his temporal mifery.

Few rational men would wish to acquire, after his example, such an uncommon wealth, with all his titles and honours, at the expence of their prefent happiness, and with the dreadful apprehenfion not to die in peace with their confciences.

The Intereft of the Merchants and Manufacturers of Great Britain, in the PreJent Conte with the Colonies, fated and confidered.

exchange of commodities, between Great Britain and America, became the neceffary foundation of their future intercourfe; and for the maintenance of this commerce, fo advantageous to both countries, we find the British legiflature, at different periods, facrificing her own private intereft. We fhall present our readers with what is advanced on this fubject in the pamphlet now before us.

The people of England and the American adventurers being fo differently circumftanced, it required no great fagacity to difcover that, as there were many commodities which America could fupply on better terms than they could be raised in England, fo muft it be much more for the colonies advantage to take others from England, than attempt to make them themselves. The American lands were cheap, covered with woods, and abounded with native commodities. The first attention of the fettlers was neceffarily engaged in cutting down the timber, and clearing the ground for culture; for before they had fupplied themfeves with provifions, and had hands to fpare from agriculture, it was impoffible they could fet about manufacturing. England, therefore, undertook to supply them with manufactures, and either pur chafed herself, or found markets for the timber the colonists cut down upon their lands, or the fifh they caught upon their coafts. It was foon difcovered that the tobacco plant was a native of, and flou rifhed in Virginia. It had been alfo planted in England, and was found to delight in the foil. The legislature, however, wifely and equitably confidering that England had variety of products, and Virginia had no other to buy her neceffaries with, paffed an act prohibiting the people of England from planting tobac co, and thereby giving the monopoly of bitants increased, and the lands became that plant to the colonies. As the inha

more cultivated, further and new advantages were thrown in the way of the American colonies. All foreign markets, as well as Great Britain, were open for their timber and provifions, and the British Weft India iflands were prohibited from purchafing thofe commodities from any other than them. And fince England has found itself in danger of wanting a fupply of timber, and it has been judged neceffary to confine the export from America to Great Britain and ire land, full and ample indemnity has been given to the colonies for the lofs of a Fa

choice

choice of Markets in Europe, by very large bounties paid out of the revenue of Great Britain, upon the importation of American timber. And as a further encouragement and reward to them for clearing their lands, bounties are given upon the tar and pitch, which are made from their decayed and useless trees; and the very afhes of their lops and branches are made of value by the late bounty on American pot-afhes. The foil and climate of the Northern colonies having been found well adapted to the culture of flax and hemp, bounties equal to half the first coft on thofe commodities have been granted by parliament, payable out of the British revenue, upon their importation into Great Britain. The growth of rice in the Southern colonies has been greatly encouraged, by prohibiting the importation of that grain into the British dominions from other parts, and allowing it to be tranfported from the colonies to the foreign territories in America, and even to the fouthern parts of Europe. Indigo has been nurtured in thofe colonies by great parliamentary bounties, which have been long paid upon the importation into Great Britain; and of late are allowed to remain, even when it is carried out again to the foreign markets. Silk and wine have alfo been objects of parliamentary munificence; and will one day probably become confiderable American products under that encouragement.

In which of thefe inftances, it may be demanded, has the legiflature shewn itfelf partial to the people of England and unjust to the colonies? or wherein have the colonies been injured? We hear much of the reftraint under which the trade of the colonies is laid by acts of parliament, for the advantage of Great Britain, but the reftraints under which the people of Great Britain are laid by acts of parliament for the advantage of the colonies, are carefully kept out of fight; and yet upon a comparifon, the one will be found full as grievous as the other. For is it a greater hardship on the colonies, to be confined in fome inftances to the markets of Great Britain for the fale of their commodities, than it is on the people of Great Britain to be obliged to buy thofe commodities from them only if the ifland colonies are obliged to give the people of Great Britain the pre-emption of their fugar and coffee, is it not a greater hardship on the people of Great Britain to be reftrained from purchasing fugar and coffee from

other countries, where they could get thofe commodities much cheaper than the colonies make them pay for them? Could not our manufacturers have indigo much better and cheaper from France and Spain than from Carolina? and yet is there not a duty impofed by acts of parliament on French and Spanish indigo, that it may come to our manufacturers at a dearer rate than Carolina indigo, though a bounty is alfo given out of the money of the people of England to the Carolina planter, to enable him to fell his indigo upon a par with the French and Spanish? But the inftance which has already been taken notice of, the act which prohibits the culture of the tobacco plant in Great Britain or Ireland, is fill more in point, and a more ftriking proof of the juftice and impartiality of the fupreme legislature; for what reftraints, let me afk, are the colonies laid under, which bear fo ftrong marks of hardships, as the prohibiting the farmers in Great Britain and Ireland from raising, upon their own lands, a product which is become almoft a neceffary of life to them and their families? And this moft extraordinary restraint is laid upon them, for the avowed and fole purpose of giving Virginia and Maryland a monopoly of that commodity, and obliging the people of Great Britain and Ireland to buy all the tobacco they confume from them, at the prices they think fit to fell it for. The annals of no country that ever planted colonies, can produce fuch an initance as this of regard and kindness to their colonies, and of reftraint upon the inhabitants of the mother country for their advantage. Nor is there any reftraint laid upon the inhabitants of the colonies in return, which carries with it fo great appearance of hardship, although the people of Great Britain and Ireland have, from their regard and affection to the colonies, fubmitted to it without a murmur for near a century.'

The prohibition of cultivating tobacco in England, for the fake of the colonies, affords an unquestionable proof of our early attention to their interest. The author of thefe confiderations acknowledges, that in this, as well as in other inftances, the legislature had a view to divert the colonifts from manufacturing, but he obferves, that this object has been purfued by means the moft generous and juft; and that the colonifts have no caufe to complain of their being diverted from working up their flax or hemp,

by

by getting a better price for it rough, than they could hope to obtain by manufacturing it. He further obferves, that they are not prohibited from manufacturing any commodity which they choose for their own ufe, or erecting any ma chine for the purpose, except mills for flitting iron; and that if they do not manufacture, it is because they find more profit in cultivating their lands, and attending their fisheries.

• This, says he, is a point which cannot be too much inculcated, for it ought to be univerfally known and confidered, especially by the trading part of this kingdom. I therefore repeat it, that the only means employed by the legiflature, for diverting the colonies from manufacturing, is the giving better prices for their labour in other things: and the colonies well know this to be the cafe, and they conduct themselves according to that knowledge; for in every inftance where they think they can employ their labour profitably in manufactures, they do it. This the people of England do not know, but they ought to be made acquainted with it. They imagine the inhabitants in the colonies are prohibited from making any thing for themselves, much more from trading in their own manufactures: Whereas the fact is, they are prohibited from making no one thing for their own use, or from exporting any one of their own manufactures; except hats, wool, and woollen goods. And they do make things, and export feveral manufactures, to the exclufion of the English manufactures of the fame kinds. The New England people import from the foreign and the British iflands, very large quantities of cotton, which they fpin and work up with linen yarn in a ftuff, like that made in Manchester, with which they clothe themselves and their neighbours. Hats are manufactured in Carolina, Pennsylvania, and in other colonies. Soap and candles, and all kinds of wood-work, are made in the Northern colonies, and exported to the Southern, Coaches, chariots, chaifes, and chairs, are alfo made in the Northern colonies, and fent down to the Southern. Coach-harnefs, and many other kinds of leather manufactures, are likewife made in the Northern colonies, and fent down to the Southern; and large quantities of fhoes have lately been exported from thence to the Weft-India iflands. Linens are made to a great amount in Pennfylvania; and cordage and other hemp manufactures are carried on in many pla

ces with great fuccefs: and foundery ware, axes, and other iron tools and untenfils, are alfo become articles of commerce, with which the Southern colonies are fupplied from the Northern. Thus while the legiflature is paying the money of the people of England in bounties to one part of the American subjects, another is employed in rivalling the people of England in feveral of their most valuable manufactures.'

The author afterwards confiders the propofition advanced by the advocates for the colonies, viz. that the profit ofall American industry centers here, and that the people of that country are condemned to work for thofe of England, On this fubject he argues as follows.

If it be true that the inhabitants of America are condemned to work for the people of England, is it not equally true that the people of England are condemned to work for the people in the colonies? nay, not for their fellow-fubjects there only, but for the flaves of their fellow-fubjects! If a planter in Virginia raises tobacco for the English merchant, does not the English manufacturer make him clothing for himfelf and his negroes in return; and wherein can the one be faid to work for the other's advantage, more than the other does for his? Do any of the colonies fend their products to England for nothing, or do they take any thing from England in payment which they do not want? Does England fix prices upon their products, and fay, You thall fell them to us for fo much; or does the infift upon their buying her commodities at higher prices than her own natives pay, or than flie fells them for to other countries? Nothing of all this is pretended to be the cafe; then pray in what fenfe is it that the people of the colonies can be faid to work for the people of England, other than that in which the people of England work for them? The threfher may be faid, it is true, to work for the miller; but does not the miller work alfo for the thresher? But the profit of all the labour of the colonies centers in England. If this be true, the confequence will plainly fhew it; for no ftate or fociety of men was ever known to thrive by unprofitable labour. Whence then arifes the prefent wealth and greatnefs of America, (of which we hear fo much upon other occafions) if England has reaped the fruit of all the labour of the colonies? The fettlers, we all know, did not carry great riches with them, and

whence