are either subjects, or not fubje&ts,' fays the Englishnian to the American; for there is no medium between dependence and independence. We are not fubject to the English Government in any refpect, against our own free choice and voluntary confent,' fays the American And you are ufurpers in every attempt you make to deprive us of this innate, inherent, and unalienable Liberty;' Therefore,' fays the impartial by-flander, if there be no medium between dependence and independence, between ufurpation and a lawful authority, it neceffarily follows, that your differences can never be reconciled, or adjusted.And you will have no other choice, but either to quarrel perpetually, or to feparate peaceably.' But, fecondly, we will suppose, for argument's fake, and because such a scheme has been publicly recommended,-we will fuppofe, I fay, that fome well-wisher to both countries, of a better heart than head, fhould propose a plan of reconciliation after the following manner: "Let Great Britain allow the Colonies the fole right of taxing themselves; And, on the other hand, let the Colonies allow to Great Brițin the exclufive right of regulating their external commerce: And then the ancient harmony between them will be restored, and all will be peace again.' These words, it must be owned, look fair, as far as they go: But they are fallacious, even at first fetting out. For there is a palpable deception in the very terms here made ufe of, allow the right; which fallacy is eafily difcovered by fubftituting other words in their stead. For example, let Great Britain renounce the right of taxing the Americans without their own content: And then the Americans will,-what? renounce the right of regulating their own commerce? No, by no means: The Americans will never make any fuch renunciation. Indeed they fay, they cannot: And they fay truly, on their principles. For, if fuch a right be founded, as they expreffly declare it is, in the immutable laws of nature, if it be unalienable, unalterable, and indefeasible, it is impoffible to renounce it: And every attempt of this fort must be judged foolith and prepofterous, null and void. Nay, the utmost which can be expected from them, according to this hypothefis, is what they declare in their 4th refolye, they are ready to do, viz. That from the neceffity of the cafe, and a regard to the mutual interefts of both countries, they will chearfully confent to the operation of fuch acts of parliament as are bona fide restrained to the regulation of their external commerce.' So that here you plainly fee, that they still maintain their right, and the interpretation of that right; only confenting to fufpend the exercise of it for the prefent,-on condition, nevertheless, that fuch an use fhall be made of this conceffion as they fhall approve of. In fhort, it is evident, according to their ideas, that, were you to allow them the fole right of taxing themfelves, you would grant them-nothing: Nothing, but to what they had a prior, and even an, indefeafible right to enjoy, whether you granted it them or not;-but which you had from the beginning very injuriously attempted to rob them of." Whereas, were they to allow you the privilege of making acts to regulate their commerce either by land or fea, they would thereby grant you a favour, to which of yourfelves you had nor the least claim or pretenfion. And confequently, as this permiffion would always remain a mere act of grace and favour on their part, there would likewife always exist an unalienable right of limiting, circumfcribing, and of interpreting it, in what manner they thought proper;-and, at last, of totally withdrawing it, when they believed it to be abused, or perverted to their prejudice, Moreover, thirdly, granting even that Great Britain was fo ill advised, as to enter into a compact with Colonies, on these difhonourable and disadvantages terms; granting, I fay, that we truled to a treaty, which the Americans themselves declare aforehand to be binding only during will and pleafure; and which cannot poffibly bind their pofterity,till it is to be inquired, what effects would this feeming compromife have upon the Colonies? Would it reftore peace? Would it produce a cordial reconciliation? No, by no means; for the act of navigation of Charles II. and every other ancient law for reftraining, and monopolizing, the commerce of the plantations, never did produce those desirable effects of harmony and unanimity, which are now confidently afcribed to them. On the contrary, the real fact was, and it is natural it fhould be fo, that these coercive laws were always regarded, as the never failing fource of difcord and diffention between the two countries. Indeed the truth, the undeniable truth is, that the Colonies engaged, from the very first period of their existence, in all forts of contraband trades, which they could practife practise with impunity, or which they could carry on with any profpect of profit. And it is aftonishing, that any of their advocates could be fo ignorant of these notorious facts, as even to infinuate the contrary. But, fince it has fo happened, we must observe once for all, that it appears from the very statutes of the realm, that the Colonifts never made it a fcruple of confcience to import from prohibited places, and to export to them any article of commerce, which they thought they could either buy or fell to advantage. Hence, therefore, mutual complaints arofe from the very beginning; thefe increased and multiplied every day, in proportion as the trade extended. And at laft the Colonists not only eluded the vigilance, but frequently out braved the legal power of the Mother-Country. This made it neceffary for the English Legislature to enact new laws from time to time, in order to strengthen and inforce the old ones, and to prevent the increase of these evils as much as poffible. And it is very obfervable, that there is one general principle, which runs throughout all thefe laws, and diffufes and expands itself more and more, according to the exigencies of the cafe, viz. That a Jury of American fmugglers was not to be trusted in the condemnation of a brother-fmuggler.' Hence therefore every new law increased, and extended the power of making an option, granted to the Revenue-Officers of profecuting the offenders in England, or in Ireland,or in the Courts of Admiralty in the Plantations, or indeed by a Jury in any other Plantation, if fufficiently diftant from the spot where the fact was committed. So that, in fhort, the difmal outcry now raifed by the Congrefs, of having the rights of Englishmen taken from them, viz. the right of being tried by a Jury of the Vicinage, as if it was the modern invention of a profligate Miniftry and a corrupt Parliament,-is a grievance, if it be a grievance, of upwards of an hundred years ftanding, [fee particularly 22d and 23d of C. II. cap. 26, 12 and 13.-alfo, 25th of C. II. cap. 7.-and 7th and 8th of William III. cap. 7 § 7.] · Now, if the Americans were thus tardy in their duty towards their Mo, ther-Country, during their infant-ftate, and before they had learned even to lifp the high-founding words, immutable laws of nature,-unalienable rights,and felf-evident propofitions,'-what are we to expect at prefent, when they have added all the principles of refiftance and revolt to their former difobedient practices;-and when they are become, even through motives of confcience, the determined enemies of the authority and jurifdiction of Great Britain ?-I ask, therefore, can any mortal be fo ftupid as to believe, that an American Jury will, for the future, be more favourable to the English plea of an exclufive right to, and a monopoly of their commerce, than their Juries were in former times? -And what a farce would it be to at tempt to bring such a cause as this before an American Judicature, according to the fentiments and notions they have now imbibed ?—In such a case, it is much more probable, that they would find a bill of indictment against the Officer for feizing thefe goods, than against the culprit for importing or exporting them contrary to an English law;-a law, whofe authority they difclaim, and whofe penalties they both detett and despise. But why fhould we labour this point any longer? Dr. Franklin himself joins his fuffrage to our's, as far as this point is concerned. Many,' fays he, will perhaps be surprised to see the Legislative Authority of the British Parliament over the Colonies denied in every inftance, Thofe the Writer informs, that, when he began this Piece, he would probably have been furprized at fuch an opinion himself. For it was the refult, not the occafion of his difquifitions. He entered upon them with a view and expectation of being able to trace fome conftitutional line between thofe cafes in which we [the Americans] ought, and thofe in which we ought not, to acknowledge the power of Parliament over us. In the profecution of his iniquiries he became fully con vinced, that fuch a line doth not exist : and that there can be no medium between acknowledging and denying that power in all cafes.' Now, after this, what can be faid more? And how can we think of a me dium, of a temperament, of a reconciliation in fuch a cafe? Mutual conceffions cannot poffibly be made: Compromifing schemes are idle and vifionary things; because the nature of the claim on both fides is obfolutely fuch, that it must be admitted whole and intire ;-or be wholly denied and rejected. Therefore, in fuch a dilemma, what other scheme [peaceable scheme I mean] can now remain for the good people of Great-Britain yet to purfue,-but either to furrender the difobedient Colonies intirely up, by declaring them to be fo many free and independant States --Or to become their S 2 tributaries tributaries and vaffals?—I fay, their tributaries and vaffals: For fuch we muit really be, if we do not feparate from them, whatever thin disguises may be attempted to be put on to cover this difgrace. Every advantage, which we enjoy, they are to enjoy in common with us; and, yet to contribute nothing but what, when, and how they please towards the vaft expence of procuring and fecuring thefe advantages. We are to defray the charges of fleets and armies, of forts and fettlements, of embaffies and alliances, of treaties of peace and commerce, and of all other expenfive privileges which the English enjoy among foreign nations, and then they (the Americans) are to reap the benefits of them equally with ourselves, In fhort, we are to be the first adventurers, and the firft drudges in every cafe; we are to run the firit rifques, and to bear all the primary expences;--and then, when matters are brought to bear, and the trade has fucceeded, they are to commence our rivals and competitors. Thus. for example, is there fome new and important difcovery to be made in chymical proceffes, in the arts of dying, colouring, mining, fluxing, &c. &c.? Or are there any useful machines to be invented in the mechanic arts? The inventer may have a Patent to reward his genius, to re-imburse his expences, and encourage his industry for fourteen years, if he pleases; this Patent will hold good against his fellow-fubjects in Great-Britain ;but will not fignify a rush against the Independants of North-America :-And, what is ftill more provoking, these Independents will have it in their power to intice away his agents and fervants, after he has been at the fole expence and trouble of teaching and training them to the bufinefs;-I fay, they will have it in their power to intice them publicly away, by offering them rewards in our own public papers to remove to North America. Again, are there any places, either lucrative or honourable, important or influental, to be obtained under the British Government? And are all foreigners and aliens, and even Hanoverians, to be excluded from fnch pofts of honour, profit, or extenfive influence? Very right:-But our dear, independant brethren of North-America are neither foreigners, nor aliens, nor yet Hanoverians: They are the better part of our own-felves; and therefore they have a right to every thing. Nay, they have a right to be chofen Members of the British Parliament, and to fit and vote for any fums they fhall please, to be applied for the independance of America against the intereft and claims of Great Britain. Once more; do we wish to encourage fome advantageous trade with a foreign country; a country which abounds with raw materials, but is deftitute of manufactures ?-We must not do it, if such a trade fhould be fuppofed to interfere with the trade of the Colonies.-Are we nevertheless convinced, that we ought to be at liberty to buy all forts of raw materials at the bett markets, and the cheapest ? And that is the height of abfurdity to lay heavy duties on their importation into Great-Britain? No matter for that:For, if the intereft of the Colonies fhould fo require, that is every thing; that alone filences all objections. And we must give thefe Colonifts great bounties for raifing fuch commodities as might be imported from other countries much better in quality, much greater in quantity, and without any bounties at all;-nay, tho' thefe countries fhould agree to take our own English manufactures in return. There is therefore nothing more that can be offered relative to this fubject. For, if we fhall ftill perfift in careffing our Colonies for putting thefe indignities daily upon us ;-if we shall still fubmit to be fleeced, taxed, and infulted by them, inftead of throwing them off, and declaring ourselves to be unconnected with and independant of them, we shall become (and indeed we are now becoming) a monument of the greatest infatuation. Hiftories of the Tete-a-Tete annexed; or Memoirs of Peeping Tom and Mifs W ms. THE ftory of Peeping Tom of Co were needless to repeat it here; but it may be neceffary to affign fome reafon for giving our hero this appellation-for which, however, we mult refer our readers to the fequel of thefe Memoirs. Born with an athletic conftitution, to a title, and what is far better, a good eftate, Tom was, after receiving a grammar-fchool education in the metropolis, fent to the univerfity; where, like most young noblemen, he made a greater proficiency in the rites of Bacchus and Venus, than in either divinity, law, or phyfic. He was a bon vivant, and would in any other fituation have proved himfelf a lad of gallantry; but in fuch an illiberal feminary (to ufe an expreffion of lord Chesterfield) the circle of his amours was very circumfcribed. His bed-maker was his principal miftrefs; and in this refpect prudence dictated his choice, as the iti nerant |