such orders they had very cautiously kept within them, and had been very careful never to exceed them in a tittle; they had used no diligence to get certain information concerning the French fleet, whether it was still in Brest, or had sailed out; but in that important matter, they had trusted general and uncertain reports too easily; nor had they sailed with Rook, till he was past danger. To all this their answer was, that they had observed their orders: they had reason to think the French were still in Brest; that therefore it was not safe to sail too far from the coast of England when they had (as they understood) ground to believe, that they had left behind them a great naval force, which might make an impression on our coast, when they were at too great a distance from it; the getting certain intelligence from Brest, was represented as impracticable. They had many specious things to say in their own defence, and many friends to support them; for it was now the business of one party to accuse, and of another to justify that conduct. In conclusion, there was not ground sufficient to condemn the admirals, as they had followed their instructions; so a vote passed in their favour. The rest of the business of the session was managed both with dexterity and success; all ended well, though a little too late; for the session was not finished before the end of April. Prince Lewis of Baden came this winter to concert measures with the king: he stayed above two months in England, and was treated with very singular respects, and at a great expense.

The tories began in this session to obstruct the king's measures more openly than before; the earls of Rochester and Nottingham did it in the house of lords, with a peculiar edge and violence: they saw how great a reputation the fair administration of justice by the judges, and more particularly that equity, which appeared in the whole proceedings of the court of chancery, gave the government; therefore they took all occasions that gave them any handle to reflect on these. We had many sad declamations, setting forth the misery the nation was under, in so tragical a strain, that those who thought it was quite otherwise with us, and that under all our taxes and losses, there was a visible increase of the wealth of the nation, could not hear all this without some indignation.

The bishops had their share of ill humour vented against them; it was visible to the whole nation that there was another face of strictness, of humility and charity among them, than had been ordinarily observed before: they visited their dioceses more; they confirmed and preached oftener than any who had in our memory gone before them; they took more care in examining those whom they ordained, and in looking into the behaviour of their clergy, than had been formerly practised: but they were faithful to the government, and zealous for it; they were gentle to the dissenters, and did not rail at them, nor seem uneasy at the toleration. This was thought such a heinous matter, that all their other diligence was despised; and they were represented as men who designed to undermine the church, and to betray it. Of this I will give one instance; the matter was of great importance; and it occasioned great and long debates in this, and in the former session of parliament; it related to the duke of Norfolk, who had proved his wife guilty of adultery, and did move for an act of parliament, dissolving his marriage, and allowing him to marry again. In the later ages of popery, when marriage was reckoned among the sacraments, an opinion grew to be received, that adultery did not break the bond, and that it could only entitle to a separation, but not such a dissolution of the marriage, as gave the party that was injured a right to marry again this became the rule of the spiritual courts, though there was no definition made about it before the council of Trent. At the time of the reformation, a suit of this nature was prosecuted by the marquis of Northampton; the marriage was dissolved, and he married a second time but he found it necessary to move for an act of parliament to confirm this subsequent marriage. In the reformation of the ecclesiastical laws, that was prepared by Cranmer and others, in king Edward's time, a rule was laid down, allowing of a second marriage, upon a divorce for adultery. This matter had lain asleep above an hundred years, till the present duke of Rutland, then lord Roos, moved for the like liberty. At that time a sceptical and libertine spirit prevailed, so that some began to treat marriage only as a civil contract, in which the parliament was at full liberty to make what laws they pleased; and most of king Charles's courtiers applauded this, hoping by this doctrine that the king might be divorced from the queen. The greater part of the bishops, apprehending the consequence

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that lord Roos's act might have, opposed every step that was made in it; though many of them were persuaded, that in the case of adultery, when it was fully proved, a second marriage might be allowed. In the duke of Norfolk's case, as the lady was a papist, and a busy Jacobite, so a great party appeared for her. All that favoured the Jacobites and those who were thought engaged in lewd practices, espoused her concern with a zeal that did themselves little honour. Their number was such, that no progress could be made in the bill, though the proofs were but too full, and too plain. But the main question was, whether supposing the matter fully proved, the duke of Norfolk should be allowed a second marriage? The bishops were desired to deliver their opinions, with their reasons: all those who had been made during the present reign, were of opinion, that a second marriage in that case was lawful, and conformable, both to the words of the gospel, and to the doctrine of the primitive church; and that the contrary opinion was started in the late and dark ages. But all the bishops that had been made by the two former kings, were of another opinion, though some of them could not well tell why they were so. Here was a colour for men, who looked at things superficially, to observe that there was a difference of opinion, between the last made bishops, and those of an elder standing; from which they inferred, that we were departing from the received doctrine of our church; and upon that topic, the earl of Rochester charged us very vehemently. The bill was let fall at this time: nor was the dispute kept up, for no books were written on the subject of either side.

The king went beyond sea in May; and the campaign was opened soon after. The armies of both sides came very near one another: the king commanded that of the confederates, as the dauphin did the French. They lay between Brussels and Liege; and it was given out, that they intended to besiege Maestricht: the king moved towards Namur, that he might either cut off their provisions, or force them to fight; but they were resolved to avoid a battle; so they retired likewise, and the campaign passed over in the ordinary manner; both of them moving and watching one another. The king sent a great detachment to break into the French country at Pont Esperies; but though the body he sent had made a great advance, before the French knew any thing of their march, yet they sent away their cavalry with so much haste, and in so continued a march, that they were possessed of the pass before the body the king had sent could reach it; whereby they gained their point, though their cavalry suffered much. This design failing, the king sent another body towards Huy, who took it in a few days. It was become more necessary to do this, for the covering of Liege, which was now much broken into faction; their bishop was dead, and there was a great division in the chapter; some were for the elector of Cologne, and others were for the elector Palatine's brother; but that for the elector of Cologne was the stronger party, and the court of Rome judged in their favour. The differences between that court and that of Versailles, were now so far made up, that the bulls for the bishops, whom the king had named to the vacant sees, were granted, upon the submission of all those who had been concerned in the articles of 1682; yet after all that reconciliation, the real inclinations of the court of Rome lay still towards the confederates: the alliance that France was in with the Turk, was a thing of an odious sound at Rome. The taking of Huy covered Liege; so that they were both safer and quieter. The confederates, especially the English and the Dutch, grew weary of keeping up vast armies, that did nothing else, but lay for some months advantageously posted, in view of the enemy, without any action.

On the Rhine, things went much in the usual manner; only at the end of the campaign, the prince of Baden passed the Rhine, and raised great contributions in Alsace, which the French suffered him to do, rather than hazard a battle. There was nothing of any importance done on either side in Piedmont; only there appeared to be some secret management between the court of France, and that of Turin, in order to a peace; it was chiefly negotiated at Rome, but was all the while denied by the duke of Savoy.

In Catalonia, the Spaniards were beat off from some posts, and Gironne was taken; nor was Barcelona in any condition to have resisted, if the French had set down before it. The court of Madrid felt their weakness, and saw their danger so visibly, that they were forced to implore the protection of the English fleet. The French had carried the best part of their naval force into the Mediterranean, and had resolved to attack Barcelona, both by sea and

land, at the same time; and, upon their success there, to have gone round Spain, destroying their coasts every where. All this was intended to force them to accept the offers the French were willing to make them; but to prevent this, Russel was ordered to sail into the Mediterranean with a fleet of threescore great ships. He was so long stopt in his voyage by contrary winds, that the French, if they had pursued their advantages, might have finished the conquest of Catalonia; but they resolved not to hazard their fleet; so it was brought back to Toulon, long before Russel could get into the Mediterranean, which was now left entirely free to him. But it was thought that the French intended to make a second attempt, in the end of the year, as soon as he should sail back to England: so it was proposed, that he might lie at Cadiz all the winter. This was an affair of that importance, that it was long and much debated, before it was resolved on. It was thought a dangerous thing to expose the best part of our fleet, so much as it must be, while it lay at so great a distance from us, that convoys of stores and provisions might easily be intercepted; and indeed, the ships were so low in their provisions, when they came back to Cadiz (the vessels that were ordered to carry them having been stopped four months in the channel by contrary winds) that our fleet had not then above a fortnight's victuals on board; yet when the whole matter was thoroughly canvassed, it was agreed, that our ships might both lie safe, and be well careened at Cadiz: nor was the difference in the expense, between their lying there, and in our own ports, considerable. By our lying there, the French were shut within the Mediterranean; so that the ocean and their coasts were left open to us. They were in effect shut up within Toulon ; for they, having no other port in those seas but that, resolved not to venture abroad; so that now we were masters of the seas every where. These considerations determined the king to send orders to Russel, to lie all the winter at Cadiz; which produced very good effects. The Venetians and the great duke had not thought fit to own the king till then. A great fleet of stores and ammunition, with all other provisions for the next campaign, came safe to Cadiz; and some clean men of war were sent out, in exchange for others, which were ordered home.

But while we were very fortunate in our main fleet, we had not the like good success in an attempt that was made on Camaret, a small neck of land that lies in the mouth of the river of Brest, and would have commanded that river, if we could have made ourselves masters of it. Talmash had formed the design of seizing on it; he had taken care to be well informed of every thing relating to it: six thousand men seemed to be more than were necessary for taking and keeping it. The design, and the preparations for it, were kept so secret, that there was not the least suspicion of the project, till the hiring transport ships discovered it. A proposition had been made of this two years before to the earl of Nottingham, who, among other things, charged Russel with it, that this had been laid before him by men that came from thence, but that he had neglected it. Whether the French apprehended the design from that motion, or whether it was now betrayed to them, by some of those who were in the secret, I know not: it is certain, that they had such timely knowledge of it, as put them on their guard. The preparations were not quite ready by the day that was settled; and, when all was ready, they were stopt by a westerly wind for some time; so that they came thither a month later than was intended. They found the place was well fortified by many batteries, that were raised in different lines upon the rocks, that lay over the place of descent; and great numbers were there ready to dispute their landing. When our fleet came so near as to see all this, the council of officers were all against making the attempt; but Talmash had set his heart so much upon it, that he could not be diverted from it.

He fancied the men they saw were only a rabble brought together to make a show, though it appeared very evidently that there were regular bodies among them, and that their numbers were double to his. He began with a landing of six hundred men, and put himself at the head of them. The men followed him with great courage, but they were so exposed to the enemies' fire, and could do them so little harm, that it quickly appeared it was needlessly throwing away the lives of brave men to persist longer in so desperate an undertaking. The greatest part of those who landed were killed or taken prisoners, and not above an hundred of them came back. Talmash himself was shot in the thigh, of which he

died in a few days, and was much lamented; for he was a brave and generous man, and a good officer, very fit to animate and encourage inferior officers and soldiers; but he was much too apt to be discontented, and to turn mutinous; so that upon the whole, he was one of those dangerous men that are capable of doing as much mischief as good service. Thus that design miscarried, which, if it had been undertaken at any time before the French were so well prepared to receive us, might have succeeded, and must have had great effects *.

Our fleet came back to Plymouth; and after they had set the land forces ashore, being well furnished with bomb-vessels and ammunition, they were ordered to try what could be done on the French coast t. They lay first before Dieppe, and burned it almost entirely to the ground. They went next to Havre de Grace, and destroyed a great part of that town. Dunkirk was the place of the greatest importance: so that attempt was long pursued in several ways, but none of them succeeded. These bombardings of the French towns soon spread a terror among all that lived near the coast: batteries were every where raised, and the people were brought out to defend their country: but they could do us no hurt, while our bombs at a mile's distance did great execution. The action seemed inhuman; but the French, who had bombarded Genoa without a previous declaration of war, and who had so often put whole countries under military execution, even after they had paid the contributions that had been laid on them (for which they had protection given them), had no reason to complain of this way of carrying on the war, which they themselves had first begun.

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The campaign ended every where to the advantage of the confederates, though no signal success had happened to their arms and this new scene of action at sea raised the hearts of our people, as much as it sunk our enemies. The war in Turkey went on this year with various success: the Venetians made themselves masters of the isle of Scio, the richest and the best peopled of all the islands of the Archipelago: those of that island had a greater share of liberty left them, than any subjects of the Ottoman empire, and they flourished accordingly. The great trade of Smyrna that lay so near them, made them the more considerable. The Venetians fortified the port, but used the natives worse than the Turks had done and as the island had a greater number of people upon it than could subsist by the productions within themselves, and the Turks prohibited all commerce with them from Asia, from whence they had their bread; the Venetians could not keep this possession, unless they had carried off the greatest part of the inhabitants to the Morea, or their other dominions, that wanted people. The Turks brought their whole power at sea together, to make an attempt for recovering this island: two actions happened at sea, within ten days one of another; in the last of which the Venetians pretended they had got a great victory: but their abandoning Scio, in a few days after, showed that they did not find it convenient to hold that island, which obliged them to keep a fleet at such a distance from their other dominions, and at a charge which the keeping the island could not balance. The Turks sent, as they did every year, a great convoy to Caminieck, guarded by the Crim-Tartars. The Polish army routed the convoy, and became masters of all the provisions; but a second convoy was more happy, and got into the place; otherwise it must have been abandoned. There was great distraction in the affairs of Poland: their queen's intrigues with the court of France gave much jealousy: their diets were broken up in confusion; and they could never agree so far in the preliminaries, as to be able by their forms to do any business. In Transylvania, the emperor had, after a long blockade, forced Giula to surrender; so that the Turks had now nothing in those parts, on the north of the Danube, but Temeswaer. The grand vizier came into Hungary with a great army, while the emperor had a very small one to oppose him. If the Turks had come on resolutely, and if the weather had continued good, it might have brought a fatal reverse on all the imperial affairs, and retrieved all that

There appears no cause to wonder at the failure of this expedition. It had been the common topic of conversation in London for a month before it sailed, so that the enemy were quite prepared to oppose us. Then there was considerable confusion in landing from the boats, so that Talmash could only Hand with nine hundred

infantry, who were immediately charged and cut to pieces by the French horse.-Shrewsbury Correspondence; Coxe's Life of Marlborough; Tindal's Contin. of Rapin's History.

This expedition was at the king's express desire. See his letter, "Shrewsbury Correspor dence," p. 44.

the Turks had lost. But the grand vizier lay still, while the emperor s army increased, and such rains fell that nothing could be done. The affairs of Turkey were thus in great disorder the grand seignior died soon after; and his successor in that empire gave his subjects such hopes of peace, that they were calmed for the present.

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At the end of the campaign, the court of France flattered their people with hopes of a speedy end of the war: and some men of great consideration were sent to try what terms they could bring the empire or the states to: but the French were yet far from offering conditions, upon which a just or a safe peace could be treated of. The States sent some as far as to Maestricht, to see what powers those sent from France had brought with them, before they would grant them the passports that they desired: and when they saw how limited these were, the negotiation was soon at an end; or rather it never began. When the French saw this, they disowned their having sent any on such an errand; and pretended that this was only an artifice of the confederates to keep one another and their people in heart, by making them believe that they had now only a small remnant of the war before them, since the French had instruments every where at work to solicit a peace.

The king came to England in the beginning of November, and the parliament was opened with a calmer face than had appeared in any session during this reign. The supplies that were demanded, the total amounting to five millions, were all granted readily. An ill humour indeed appeared in some who opposed the funds, that would most easily and most certainly raise the money that was given, upon this pretence, that such taxes would grow to be a general excise; and that the more easily money was raised, it would be the more easy to continue such duties to a longer period, if not for ever. The truth was, the secret enemies of the government proposed such funds as would be the heaviest to the people, and would not fully answer what they were estimated at; that so the nation might be uneasy under that load, and that a constant deficiency might bring on such a debt, that the government could not discharge, but must sink under it.

With the supply bills, as the price or bargain for them, the bill for frequent parliaments went on it enacted, that a new parliament should be called every third year, and that the present parliament should be dissolved before the first of January, 1695-6; and to this the royal assent was given: it was received with great joy, many fancying that all their other laws and liberties were now the more secure, since this was passed into a law. Time must tell what effects it will produce; whether it will put an end to the great corruption with which elections were formerly managed, and to all those other practices that accompany them. Men that intended to sell their own votes within doors spared no cost to buy the votes of others in elections: but now it was hoped we should see a golden age, wherein the character men were in, and the reputation they had, would be the prevailing considerations in elections and by this means it was hoped that our constitution, in particular that part of it which related to the house of commons, would again recover both its strength and reputation, which was now very much sunk; for corruption was so generally spread, that it was believed every thing was carried by that method.

But I am now coming towards the fatal period of this book. The queen continued still to set a great example to the whole nation, which shined in all the parts of it. She used all possible methods for reforming whatever was amiss. She took ladies off from that idleness which not only wasted their time but exposed them to many temptations: she engaged many both to read and to work: she wrought many hours a-day herself, with her ladies and her maids of honour working about her, while one read to them all. The female part of the court had been in the former reigns subject to much censure, and there was great cause for it; but she freed her court so entirely from all suspicion, that there was not so much as a colour for discourses of that sort. She did divide her time so regularly between her closet and business, her work and diversion, that every minute seemed to have its proper employment she expressed so deep a sense of religion, with so true a regard to it; she had such right principles and just notions; and her deportment was so exact in every part of it; all being natural and unconstrained, and animated with due life and cheerfulness: she considered every thing that was laid before her so carefully, and gave such due encouragement to a freedom of speech: she remembered every thing so exactly, observing at the same time the