spiritual government of the saints. There was so little sense in this, that Nevil and Harrington, with some others, set up in Westminster a meeting, to consider of a form of government that should secure liberty, and yet preserve the nation. They ran chiefly on having a parliament elected by ballot, in which the nation should be represented according to the proportion of what was paid in taxes, towards the public expense; and by this parliament a council of twenty-four was to be chosen by ballot: and every year eight of these were to be changed, and might not again be brought into it, but after an interval of three years. By these the nation was to be governed; and they were to give an account of the administration to the parliament every year. This meeting was a matter of diversion and scorn, to see a few persons take upon them to form a scheme of government; and it made many conclude, it was necessary to call home the king, that so matters might again fall into their old channel * Lambert became the man on whom the army depended most. Upon his forcing the parliament, great applications were made to Monk to declare for the parliament; but under this the declaring for the king was generally understood. Yet he kept himself under such a reserve, that he declared all the while, in the most solemn manner, for a commonwealth, and against a single person, in particular against the king; so that none had any ground from him to believe he had any design that way. Some have thought that he intended to try, if it was possible, to set up for himself; others rather believed, that he had no settled design any way, and resolved to do as occasion should be offered to him. The Scotch nation did certainly hope he would bring home the king. He drew the greatest part of the army towards the borders, where Lambert advanced towards him with seven thousand horse. Monk was stronger in foot, but being apprehensive of engaging on disadvantage, he sent Clarges to the lord Fairfax for his advice and assistance, who returned answer by Dr. Fairfax, afterwards secretary to the archbishop of Canterbury, and assured him he would raise Yorkshire on the first of January. And he desired him to press upon Lambert, in case that he should send a detachment into Yorkshire. On the first of January, Fairfax appeared with about one hundred gentlemen and their servants; but so much did he still maintain his great credit with the army, that the night after, the Irish brigade, that consisted of twelve hundred horse, and was the rear of Lambert's army, came over to him.

The most distinguished and influential republicans of the period were Algernon Sydney, Henry Neville, Henry Martin, John Wildman, and James Harrington. A particular notice of any but Neville and Harrington, is deferred to future pages; further than to remark that they were all enthusiastic sufferers in defence of their principles, and, excepting Martin, were distinguished as virtuous men. They have left us their deliberate opinions and projects of government recorded; and these are testimonies that their object was to secure the freedom and happiness of their country. Their political regulations are founded upon too favourable an estimate of human nature; and, like Plato's "Republic," and More's " Utopia," might be practicable, if man was devoid of evil. Those who wish to understand the developed principles of these well-meaning, though mistaken men, will find them in Sydney's "Discourses upon Government;" Neville's "Plato Redivivus;" and Harrington's "Commonwealth of Oceana." Martin's degraded ideas of liberty and a republic, are related in his "England's Troubles Troubled." Sir Henry Vane, the younger, nicknamed Sir Humorous Vanity, was also a republican, but he was so wild, and protean, that he was not of much weight with the party. His opinions are recorded in his "Life and Death, &c."

Neville, was a man of good talents, cultivated and improved by a liberal education and travelling. He sided with the presbyterians at the commencement of the civil war; but from his intercourse with Charles the First at Newcastle, acquired such a regard for his majesty, that when the latter offered him the post of attendant in his bedchamber, he readily accepted it. He attended the king in his last hour of trial. Notwithstanding this attachment and fidelity to his royal master, he always maintained his opinions in favour of a democracy. At the restoration, he was committed to prison, but becoming insane, he obtained his release. He died in 1677.

The Rota Club was founded in 1659, by these two politicians. It was held at an inn, then called the Turk's Head, in New Palace Yard; it is still an hotel (Oliver's), at the corner next the river. Besides the two founders, there were among its members Cyriack Skinner, a disciple of Milton; Major John Wildman; Charles Wolseley, of Staffordshire; Roger Coke; William Poultney, afterwards knighted; and many others. They had public debates, and ballotings upon the best form of government, and the regulation of a commonwealth. Wood says, "their discourses were the most ingenious and smart that ever were heard, compared with them the arguments in the parlia mentary house were flat." The club lasted no longer than the commencement of 1660. The restoration dissolved it. Their favourite model of a House of Commons, and which Neville actually proposed in his place as a member of parliament, was, that a third part of its members should be balloted out in rotation every year. No magistrate was to continue in office more than three years, and all of them to be chosen by ballot.-Wood's Athenæ Oxon. Harrington was a native of Northamptonshire, and, like ii. 591, fol. edit. Biog. Britan. in vitâ Harrington.

Neville was the son of a knight residing in Berkshire. He was travelling on the Continent during the civil war ; but he obtained a seat in the long parliament, and was one of the "council of state;" but Cromwell, finding him a stern opposer, soon displaced him. He was an uncompromising republican. He was imprisoned at the restoration, but being released, he lived unnoticed, and died in 1694.— Wood's Athenæ Oxon. iii. 918, fol. edit.

Upon that Lambert retreated, finding his army was so little sure to him, and resolved to march back to London. He was followed by Monk, who when he came to Yorkshire, met with Fairfax, and offered to resign the chief command to him. The lord Fairfax refused it, but pressed Monk to declare for a free parliament: yet in that he was so reserved to him, that Fairfax knew not how to depend on him. But as Lambert was making haste up, his army mouldered away, and he himself was brought up a prisoner, and was put in the Tower of London. Yet not long after he made his escape, and gathered a few troops about him in Northamptonshire. But these were soon scattered; for Ingoldsby, though one of the king's judges, raised Buckinghamshire against him and so little force seemed now in that party, that with very little opposition Ingoldsby took him prisoner, and brought him into Northampton; where Lambert, as Ingoldsby told me, entertained him with a pleasant reflection for all his misfortunes. The people were in great crowds applauding and rejoicing for the success. So Lambert put Ingoldsby in mind of what Cromwell had said to them both, near that very place, in the year 1650, when they, with a body of the officers, were going down after their army that was marching to Scotland, the people all the while shouting and wishing them success: Lambert upon that said to Cromwell, he was glad to see they had the nation on their side: Cromwell answered, "do not trust to that, for these very persons would shout as much if you and I were going to be hanged." Lambert said, he looked on himself as in a fair way to that, and began to think Cromwell prophesied *.

Upon the dispersing Lambert's army, Monk marched southward, and was now the object of all men's hope. At London all sorts of people began to cabal together, royalists, presbyterians, and republicans. Hollis told me, the presbyterians pressed the royalists to be quiet, and to leave the game in their hands; for their appearing would give jealousy, and hurt that which they meant to promote. He and Ashley Cooper, Grimstone and Annesley, met often with Manchester, Roberts, and the rest of the presbyterian party: and the ministers of London were very active in the city; so that when Monk came up, he was pressed to declare himself. At first he would only declare for the parliament that Lambert had forced; but there was then a great fermentation all over the nation. Monk and the parliament grew jealous of one another, even while they tried who could give the best words, and express their confidence in the highest terms of one another. I will pursue the relation of this transaction no farther; for this matter is well known †.

The king had gone, in autumn 1659, to the meeting at the Pyrenees, where cardinal Mazarin and Don Lewis de Haro were negociating a peace. He applied himself to both sides, to try what assistance he might expect upon their concluding the peace. It was then known that he went to mass sometimes, that so he might recommend himself the more effectually to both courts; yet this was carried secretly, and was confidently denied. Mazarin still talked to Lockhart upon the foot of the old confidence; for he went thither to watch over the treaty; though England was now in such convulsions, that no minister from thence could be much considered, unless it was upon his own account. But matters were ripening so fast towards a revolution in England, that the king came back to Flanders in all haste, and went from thence to Breda. Lockhart had it in his power to have made a great fortune,

For information on this point, the reader will do well to consult Clarendon's " History of the Rebellion" and "Auto-biography;" Sir Philip Warwick's "Memoirs;" and the biographies of Monk, Ashley Cooper, Montague, and Annesley. After the perusal of these and of many of the private letters of this period, I cannot but think that these statesmen deserve no more applause for the parts they acted in the restoration than is due to men who, secing the direction taken by public opinion, are discreet

enough to yield, and to take the lead, when they observo
it would be useless to oppose. That three of them were
actuated by disinterested loyalty, can never be demon-
strated; and if it could, would be only at the expense of
their honour and sworn truth; for but a few months
before the restoration of Charles the Second, they had
bound themselves by oath to maintain the cause of his
opponents. Probably they would have maintained this
cause if the voice of the people had been raised in its
favour: they intrigued with both parties to the very last,
and did not finally display their purple favour until they
felt certain that it was most generally esteemed. Dr. Well-
wood was a contemporary, and this was his opinion of the
duke of Albemarle. His observations and anecdotes are
worth reading. See his "Memoirs." Burnet, it will be
seen,
in the next page, thought similarly.

if he had begun first, and had brought the king to Dunkirk. As soon as the peace of the Pyrenees was made, he came over and found Monk at London, and took all the pains he could to penetrate into his designs. But Monk continued still to protest to him in the solemnest manner possible, that he would be true to the commonwealth, and against the royal family. Lockhart went away, persuaded that matters would continue still in the same state: so that when his old friend Middleton wrote to him to make his own terms, if he would invite the king to Dunkirk, he said, he was trusted by the commonwealth, and could not betray it.

The House of Commons put Monk on breaking the gates of the city of London, not doubting but that would render him so odious to them, that it would force him to depend wholly on themselves. He did it, and soon after he saw how odious he was become by it. So, conceiving a high indignation at those who had put him on such an ungracious piece of service, he sent about all that night to the ministers and other active citizens, assuring them that he would quickly repair that error, if they would forgive it. So the turn was sudden, for the city sent and invited him to dine the next day at Guildhall; and there he declared for the members whom the army had forced away in the year forty-seven and forty-eight, who were known by the name of secluded members. And some happening to call the body that then sat at Westminster the rump of a parliament, a sudden humour ran like a madness through the whole city, of roasting the rumps of all sorts of animals * and thus the city expressed themselves sufficiently. Those at Westminster had no support; so they fell unpitied, and unregarded. The secluded members came, and sat down among them; but all they could do was to give orders for the summoning a new parliament, to meet the first of May and so they declared themselves dissolved.

There was still a murmuring in the army. So great care was taken to scatter them in wide quarters, and not to suffer too many of those who were still for the old cause, to lie near one another. The well and the ill-affected were so mixed, that in case of any insurrection some might be ready at hand to assist them. They changed the officers, that were illaffected, who were not thought fit to be trusted with the commanding those of their own stamp; and so created a mistrust between the officers and the soldiers. And above all they took care to have no more troops than was necessary about the city: and those were the best affected. This was managed with great diligence and skill: and by this conduct it was, that the great turn was brought about without the least tumult, or bloodshed; which was beyond what any person could have imagined. Of all this Monk had both the praise and the reward: though I have been told a very small share of it belonged to him. Admiral Montague was then in chief command at sea, newly returned from the Sound, where he and De Ruyter, upon the orders they received from their masters, had brought the two northern kings to a peace, the king of Sweden dying as it was making up. He was soon gained to be for the king; and dealt so effectually with the whole fleet, that the turn there was as silently brought about, without any revolt or opposition, as it had been in the army. The republicans went about like madmen, to rouse up their party. But their time was past. All were either as men amazed, or asleep. They had neither the skill, nor the courage, to make any opposition. The elections of parliament men ran all the other way. So they saw their business was quite lost, and they felt themselves struck as with a spirit of giddiness. And then every man thought only how to save, or secure himself. And now they saw how deceitful the argument from success was, which they had used so oft, and triumphed so much upon. For whereas success in the field, which was the foundation of their argument, depended much upon the conduct and courage of armies, in which the will of man had a large share, here was a thing of another nature: a nation, that had run on long in such a fierce opposition to the royal family, was now turned as one man to call home the king. The nation had one great happiness during the long course of the civil war, that no

This is entirely confirmed by Clarendon. The origin of the epithet rump, as is the case of many other nick-names, is now uncertain. Like the modern party sobriquets conservative and destructive, it was probably applied adventitiously; and, as Burnet seems to imply, was popularly adopted. Walker, in his History of Inde

pendency, says the remnant of the parliament was so called, because it was "a fag-end, having corrupt maggots in it:"-and Clarendon says, it obtained the name because it was like the fag-end of a carcase long dead. Sir Philip Warwick says, it was called "the rump, or tail of the long parliament."-Memoirs, 393.

foreigners had got footing among them. Spain was sinking to nothing: France was under a base-spirited minister*: and both were in war all the while. Now a peace was made. between them. And very probably, according to what is in Mazarin's letters, they would have joined forces to have restored the king. The nation was by these means entirely in its own hands and now, returning to its wits, was in a condition to put every thing in joint again: whereas, if foreigners had been possessed of any important place, they might have had a large share of the management, and would have been sure of taking care of themselves. Enthusiasm was now languid: for that, owing its mechanical force to the liveliness of the blood and spirits, men in disorder and depressed could not raise in themselves those heats, with which they were formerly wont to transport themselves and others. Chancellor Hyde was all this while very busy: he sent over Dr. Morley, who talked much with the presbyterians of moderation in general, but would enter into no particulars: only he took care to let them know he was a calvinist: and they had the best opinion of such of the church of England as were of that persuasion. Hyde wrote in the king's name to all the leading men, and got the king to write a great many letters in a very obliging manner. Some that had been faulty sent over considerable presents, with assurances that they would redeem all that was past with their zeal for the future. These were all accepted. Their money was also very welcome; for the king needed money when his matters were on that crisis and he had so many tools at work. The management of all this was so entirely the chancellor's single performance, that there was scarce any other that had so much as a share in it with him. He kept a register of all the king's promises, and of his own; and did all that lay in power afterwards to get them all to be performed. He was also all that while giving the king many wise and good advices. But he did it too much with the air of a governor, or of a lawyer. Yet then the king was wholly in his hands.

his

I need not open the scene of the new parliament, (or convention, as it came afterwards to be called, because it was not summoned by the king's writ,) such unanimity appeared in their proceedings, that there was not the least dispute among them, but upon one single point yet that was a very important one. Hale, afterwards the famous chief justice, moved that a committee might be appointed to look into the propositions that had been made, and the concessions that had been offered by the late king during the war, particularly at the treaty of Newport, that from thence they might digest such propositions as they should think fit to be sent over to the king. This was seconded, but I do not remember by whom. It was foreseen that such a motion might be set on foot: so Monk was instructed how to answer it, whensoever it should be proposed. He told the house, that there was yet, beyond all men's hope, an universal quiet over the nation; but there were many incendiaries still on the watch, trying where they could first raise the flame. He said, he had such copious informations sent him of these things, that it was not fit they should be generally known: he could not answer for the peace, either of the nation, or of the army, if any delay was put to the sending for the king what need was there of sending propositions to him? Might they not as well prepare them, and offer them to him, when he should come over? He was to bring neither army nor treasure with him, either to fright them, or to corrupt them. So he moved, that they would immediately send commissioners to bring over the king: and said, that he must lay the blame of all the blood, or mischief, that might follow, on the heads of those, who should still insist on any motion that might delay the present settlement of the nation. This was echoed with such a shout over the house that the motion was no more insisted on ↑.

Cardinal Mazarin.

Sir Matthew Hale proposed that the articles offered to the king should be in the spirit of those signed by Henry the third, at Kenilworth. It is in the appendix to the statutes at large as the "Dictum de Kenilworth;" and pledges the king to good government, and pardon to those who had been in arms against him. Although negatived, yet Hale's motion was debated during two days.Chandler's Debates, i. 7. Popular inconstancy is common to a proverb, therefore it is no wonder that the same vulgar throats should give vent to welcoming shouts for the second Charles and for Cromwell; but it is sicken

ing, and engenders suspicion of all public sincerity, to know that such men as sir Harbottle Grimstone, the opponent of monarchy and episcopacy under Charles the First, could bring himself to utter such despicable sycophantic language as that which he used upon the prospect of the return of that monarch's son. This was a part of his consistent paan.-"Our bells and our bonfires have already began the proclamation of his majesty's goodness, and of our joys. We have told the people, Our king, the glory of England, is coming home again, and they have resounded back in our ears, we are ready, our hearts are ready to receive him.”

This was indeed the great service that Monk did. It was chiefly owing to the post he was in, and to the credit he had gained for as to the restoration itself, the tide ran so strong, that he only went into it dexterously enough, to get much fame, and great rewards, for that which will have still a great appearance in history. If he had died soon after, he might have been more justly admired, because less known, and seen only in one advantageous light: but he lived long enough to make it known, how false a judgment men are apt to make upon outward appearance. To the king's coming in without conditions may be well imputed all the errors of his reign. And when the earl of Southampton came to see what he was like to prove, he said once in great wrath to chancellor Hyde, it was to him they owed all they either felt or feared; for if he had not possessed them in all his letters with such an opinion of the king, they would have taken care to have put it out of his power either to do himself, or them, any mischief, which was like to be the effect of their trusting him so entirely. Hyde answered, that he thought the king had so true a judgment, and so much good nature, that when the age of pleasure should be over, and the idleness of his exile, which made him seek new diversions for want of other employment, was turned to an obligation to mind affairs, then he would have shaken off those entanglements. I must put my reader in mind, that I leave all common transactions to ordinary books. If at any time I say things that occur in any books, it is partly to keep the thread of the narration in an unentangled method, and partly, because I neither have heard nor read those things in books; or at least, I do not remember to have read them so clearly, and so particularly, as I have related them. I now leave a mad and confused scene, to open a more august and splendid one.