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The house of commons, to the great grief of the whigs, made an address to the king, thanking him for the alterations he had made in the lieutenancy of London.

But the greatest debate in this session was concerning an abjuration of king James: some of the tories were at first for it, as were all the whigs; the clergy were excepted out of it, to soften the opposition that might be made. But still the main body of the tories declared they would never take any such cath; so they opposed every step that was made in it, with a great copiousness of long and vehement arguing. They insisted much on this, that when the government was settled, oaths were made to be the ties of the subject to it, and that all new impositions were a breach made on that which might be called the original contract of the present settlement: things of that kind ought to be fixed and certain, and not mutable and endless: by the same reason that the abjuration was now proposed, another oath might be prepared every year; and every party that prevailed in parliament would bring in some discriminating oath, or test, such as could only be taken by those of their own side: and thus the largeness and equality of government would be lost and contracted into a faction. On the other side, it was said, that this was only intended to be a security to the government during the war; for in such a time it seemed necessary, that all who were employed by the government should give it all possible security: it was apparent that the comprehensive words in the oaths of allegiance had given occasion to much equivocation; many who had taken them having declared, which some had done in print, that they considered themselves as bound by the oaths, only while the king continued in peaceable possession, but not to assist or support his title if it was attacked or shaken: it was therefore necessary that men in public trusts should be brought under stricter ties. The abjuration was debated in both houses at the same time. I concurred with those that were for it. The whigs pressed the king to set it forward: they said, every one who took it would look on himself as impardonable, and so would serve him with the more zeal and fidelity; whereas those that thought the right to the crown was still in king James, might perhaps serve faithfully as long as the government stood firm; but as they kept still measures with the other side, to whom they knew they would be always welcome, so they would never act with that life and zeal which the present state of affairs required. At the same time, the tories were as earnest in pressing the king to stop the further progress of those debates: much time was already lost in them; and it was evident that much more must be lost, if it was intended to carry it on; since so many branches of this bill, and incidents that arose upon the subject of it, would give occasion to much heat and wrangling: and it was a doubt, whether it would be carried, after all the time that must be bestowed on it, or not: those who opposed it would grow sullen, and oppose every thing else that was moved for the king's service: and, if it should be carried, it would put the king again into the hands of the whigs, who would immediately return to their old practices against the prerogative; and it would drive many into king James's party, who might otherwise stick firm to the king, or at least be neutrals. These reasons prevailed with the king to order an intimation to be given in the house of commons, that he desired they would let that debate fall, and go to other matters that were more pressing.

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This gave a new disgust to the whigs, but was very acceptable to the tories; and it quickened the advances of money upon the funds that were given: it had indeed a very ill effect abroad for both friends and enemies looked on it as a sign of a great decline in the king's interest with his people: and the king's interposing to stop further debates in the matter, was represented as an artifice only to save the affront of its being rejected. The earl of Shrewsbury was at the head of those who pressed the abjuration most; so, upon this change of counsels, he thought he could not serve the king longer with reputation or sucHe saw the whigs, by using the king ill, were driving him into the tories; and he thought these would serve the king with more zeal, if he left his post. The credit that the marquis of Carmarthen had gained was not easy to him; so he resolved to deliver up the seals. I was the first person to whom he discovered this; and he had them in his hands when he told me of it; yet I prevailed with him not to go that night: he was in some heat. I had no mind that the king should be surprised by a thing of that kind; and I was afraid that the earl of Shrewsbury might have said such things to him, as should have provoked

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him too much so I sent the king word of it. It troubled him more than I thought a thing of that sort could have done: he loved the earl of Shrewsbury, and apprehended that his leaving his service at this time might alienate the whigs more entirely from him: for now they who thought him before of too cold a temper, when they saw how firm he was, came to consider and trust him more than ever. The king sent Tillotson, and all those who had most credit with the earl, to divert him from his resolution; but all was to no purpose. The agitation of mind that this gave him threw him into a fever, which almost cost him his life. The king pressed him to keep the seals till his return from Ireland, though he should not act as secretary; but he could not be prevailed on*. The debate for the abjuration lasted longer in the house of lords: it had some variation from that which was proposed in the house of commons; and was properly an oath of a special fidelity to the king, in opposition to king James: the tories offered, in bar to this, a negative engagement against assisting king James, or any of his instruments, knowing them to be such, with severe penalties on such as should refuse it. In opposition to this, it was said, this was only an expedient to secure all king James's party, whatever should happen; since it left them the entire merit of being still in his interests, and only restrained them from putting any thing to hazard for him. The house was so near an equality in every division, that what was gained in one day was lost in the next: and by the heat and length of those debates, the session continued till June. A bill projected by the tories passed, relating to the city of London, which was intended to change the hands that then governed it: but through the haste or weakness of those who drew it, the court of aldermen was not comprehended in it: so, by this act, the government of the city was fixed in their hands: and they were generally whigs. Many discoveries were made of the practices from St. Germain's and Ireland; but few were taken up upon them and those were too inconsiderable to know more than that many were provided with arms and ammunition, and that a method was projected for bringing men together upon a call. And indeed things seemed to be in a very ill disposition towards a fatal turn.

The king was making all possible haste to open the campaign, as soon as things could be ready for it, in Ireland. The day before he set out he called me into his closet. He seemed to have a great weight upon his spirits, from the state of his affairs, which was then very cloudy. He said, for his own part, he trusted in God, and would either go through with his business, or perish in it: he only pitied the poor queen, repeating that twice with great tenderness, and wished that those who loved him would wait much on her, and assist her: he lamented much the factions and the heats that were among us, and that the bishops and clergy, instead of allaying them, did rather foment and inflame them: but he was pleased to make an exception of myself: he said, the going to a campaign was naturally no unpleasant thing to him: he was sure he understood that better than how to govern England: he added, that though he had no doubt nor mistrust of the cause he went on, yet the going against king James, in person, was hard upon him, since it would be a vast trouble, both to himself and to the queen, if he should be either killed or taken prisoner: he desired my prayers, and dismissed me, very deeply affected with all he had said.

I had a particular occasion to know how tender he was of king James's person, having learned an instance of it from the first hand: a proposition was made to the king, that a third-rate ship, well manned by a faithful crew, and commanded by one who had been well with king James, but was such a one as the king might trust, should sail to Dublin, and declare for king James. The person who told me this, offered to be the man that should carry the message to king James (for he was well known to him), to invite him to come on board; which he seemed to be sure he would accept of; and, when he was aboard, they should sail away with him, and land him either in Spain or Italy, as the king should desire; and should have twenty thousand pounds to give him, when he should be set ashore. The king thought it was a well formed design, and likely enough to succeed, but would not hearken to it. He said he would have no hand in treachery and king James would cer

It would seem that the reason of the earl of Shrews bury's resignation was the disapproval of the bill for abjuring the Stuarts. No persuasions availing to make

him retain office, he sent the seals to the king by the hands of lord Portland, June 3, 1690.-Cox's Shrewsbury Correspondence.

tainly carry some of his guards and of his court aboard with him: and probably they would make some opposition: and in the struggle some accident might happen to king James's person; in which he would have no hand. I acquainted the queen with this: and I saw in her a great tenderness for her father's person: and she was much touched with the answer the king had made.

He had a quick passage to Ireland, where matters had been kept in the state they were in all this winter: Charlemont was reduced, which was the only place in Ulster that was then left in king James's hands. The king had a great army; there were about thirty-six thousand men, all in good plight, full of heart and zeal. He lost no time, but advanced in six days from Belfast, where he landed, to the river of Boyne, near Drogheda. King James had abandoned the passes between Newry and Dundalk, which are so strait for some miles, that it had been easy to have disputed every inch of ground. King James and his court were so much lifted up with the news of the debates in parliament, and of the distractions of the city of London, that they flattered themselves with false hopes that the king durst not leave England, nor venture over to Ireland. He had been six days come before king James knew anything of it. Upon that, he immediately passed the Boyne, and lay on the south side of it. His army consisted of twenty-six thousand men; his horse were good; and he had five thousand French foot, for whom he had sent over in exchange five thousand Irish foot. He held some councils of war to consider what was fit to be done; whether he should make a stand there, and put all to the decision of a battle; or, if he should march off and abandon that river, and, by consequence, all the country on to Dublin.

All his officers, both French and Irish, who disagreed almost in all their advices, yet agreed in this, that though they had there a very advantageous post to maintain, yet their army being so much inferior, both in number and in every thing else, they would put too much to hazard, if they should venture on a battle. They therefore proposed the strengthening their garrisons, and marching off to the Shannon with the horse and a small body of foot, till they should see how matters went at sea; for the French king had sent them assurances that he would not only set out a great fleet, but that as soon as the squadron that lay in the Irish seas, to guard the transport fleet and to secure the king's passage over, should sail into the channel to join our grand fleet, he would then send into the Irish seas a fleet of small frigates and privateers, to destroy the king's transports. This would have been fatal, if it had taken effect: and the executing of it seemed easy and certain. It would have shut up the king within Ireland, till a new transport fleet could have been brought thither, which would have been the work of some months: so that England might have been lost before he could have passed the seas with his army. And the destruction of his transports must have ruined his army; for his stores, both of bread and ammunition, were still on board; and they sailed along the coast as he advanced on his march; nor was there in all that coast a safe port to cover and secure them. The king indeed reckoned that by the time the squadron, which lay in the Irish seas, should be able to join the rest of the fleet, they would have advanced as far as the chops of the channel, where they would guard both England and Ireland: but things went far otherwise.

The queen was now in the administration. It was a new scene to her she had for above sixteen months made so little figure in business, that those, who imagined that every woman of sense loved to be meddling, concluded that she had a small proportion of it, because she lived so abstracted from all affairs. Her behaviour was indeed very exemplary: she was exactly regular both in her public and private devotions: she was much in her closet, and read a great deal: she was often busy at work, and seemed to employ her time and thoughts in any thing, rather than matters of state: her conversation was lively and obliging: every thing in her was easy and natural: she was singular in great charities to the poor; of whom, as there are always great numbers about courts, so the crowds of persons of quality that had fled over from Ireland drew from her liberal supplies: all this was nothing to the public. If the king talked with her of affairs, it was in so private a way, that few seemed to believe it. The earl of Shrewsbury told me that the king had upon many occasions said to him, that though he could not hit on the right way of pleasing England, he was confident she would; and that we should all be very happy under her. The king named a cabinet

council of eight persons, on whose advice she was chiefly to rely: four of them were tories and four were whigs; yet the marquis of Caermarthen and the earl of Nottingham, being of the first sort, who took most upon them and seemed to have the greatest credit, the whigs were not satisfied with the nomination. The queen balanced all things with an extraordinary temper; and became universally beloved and admired by all about her.

Our concerns at sea were then the chief thing to be looked to: an unhappy compliment of sending a fleet to convoy a queen to Spain proved almost fatal to us. They were so long delayed by contrary winds, that a design of blocking up Toulon was lost by it. The great ships that lay there had got out before our fleet could reach the place. Our squadron returned back, and went into Plymouth to refit there; and it was joined by that which came from the Irish seas. These two squadrons consisted of above thirty ships of the line. The earl of Torrington, that had the chief command, was a man of pleasure, and did not make the haste that was necessary to go about and join them; nor did the Dutch fleet come over so soon as was promised; so that our main fleet lay long at Spithead. The French understood that our fleets lay thus divided, and saw the advantage of getting between them: so they came into the channel with so fair a wind, that they were near the Isle of Wight before our fleet had any advice of their being within the channel. The earl of Torrington had no advice-boats out to bring him news; and though notice thereof was sent post over-land as soon as the French came within the channel, yet their fleet sailed as fast as the post could ride; but then the wind turned upon them, otherwise they would in all probability have surprised us. But after this first advantage, the winds were always contrary to them and favourable to us. So that the French officers in Ireland had reason to look for that fleet of smaller vessels, which was promised to be sent to destroy the king's transport ships. And for these reasons all king James's officers were against bringing the war to so speedy a decision.

In opposition to all their opinions, king James himself was positive that they must stay and defend the Boyne: if they marched off and abandoned Dublin, they would so lose their reputation, that the people would leave them and capitulate; it would also dispirit all their friends in England: therefore he resolved to maintain the post he was in, and seemed not a little pleased to think that he should have one fair battle for his crown. He spoke of this with so much seeming pleasure, that many about him apprehended that he was weary of the struggle, and even of life, and longed to see an end of it at any rate: and they were afraid that he would play the hero a little too much. He had all the advantages he could desire the river was deep, and rose very high with the tide: there was a morass to be passed after the passing the river, and then a rising ground.

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On the last of June, the king came to the banks of the river; and as he was riding along, and making a long stop in one place to observe the grounds, the enemy did not lose their opportunity, but brought down two pieces of cannon, and, with the first firing, a ball passed along the king's shoulder, tore off some of his clothes and about a hand-breadth of the skin, out of which about a spoonful of blood came; and that was all the harm it did him. cannot be imagined how much terror this struck into all that were about him; he himself said it was nothing; yet he was prevailed on to alight till it was washed and a plaister put upon it; and immediately he mounted his horse again, and rode about all the posts of his army. It was indeed necessary to show himself everywhere, to take off the apprehensions with which such an unusual accident filled his soldiers. He continued that day nineteen hours on horseback; but, upon his first alighting from his horse, a deserter had gone over to the enemy with the news, which was carried quickly into France, where it was taken for granted that he could not outlive such a wound; so it ran over that kingdom that he was dead. And upon it there were more public rejoicings than had been usual upon their greatest victories; which gave that court afterwards a vast confusion, when they knew that he was still alive; and saw that they had raised in their own people a high opinion of him by this inhuman joy, when they believed him dead.

But to return to the action of the Boyne. The king sent a great body of cavalry to pass the river higher, while ho resolved to pass it in the face of the enemy; and the duke of

Schomberg was to pass it in a third place, a little below him. I will not enter into the particulars of that day's action, but leave that to military men

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It was a complete victory; and those who were the least disposed to flattery, said, it was almost wholly due to the king's courage and conduct; and, though he was a little stiff by reason of his wound, yet he was forced to quit his horse in the morass, and to go through it on foot: but he came up in time to ride almost into every body of his army: he charged in many different places, and nothing stood before him. The Irish horse made some resistance, but the foot threw down their arms, and ran away. The most amazing circumstance was, that king James stayed all the while with his guards, at a safe distance, and never came into the places of danger or of action; and, when he saw his army was every where giving ground, was the first that ran for it, and reached Dublin before the action was quite over; for it was dark before the king forsook the pursuit of the Irish. His horse and dragoons were go weary, with the fatigue of a long action in a hot day, that they could not pursue far; nor was their camp furnished with necessary refreshments till next morning; for the king had marched faster than the waggons could possibly follow. The army of the Irish were so entirely forsaken by their officers, that the king thought they would have dispersed themselves, and submitted; and that the following them would have been a mere butchery, which was a thing he had always abhorred. The only allay to this victory was the loss of the duke of Schomberg; he passed the river in his station, and was driving the Irish before him, when a party of desperate men set upon him, as he was riding very carelessly, with a small number about him. They charged, and in the disorder of that action he was shot; but it could not be known by whom; for most of all the party was cut off. Thus that great man, like another Epaminondas, fell on the day in which his side triumphed t.

King James came to Dublin, under a very indecent consternation: he said all was lost; he had an army in England that could have fought, but would not; and now he had an army that would have fought, but could not. This was not very gratefully, nor decently spoken by him, who was among the first that fled. Next morning he left Dublin : he said, too much blood had been already shed; it seemed God was with their enemies; the prince of Orange was a merciful man; so he ordered those he left behind him to set the prisoners at liberty, and to submit to the prince: he rode that day from Dublin to Duncannon Fort; but, though the place was considerably strong, he would not trust to that, but lay aboard a French ship that anchored there, and had been provided, by his own special directions to sir Patrick Trant. His courage sunk with his affairs to a degree that amazed those who had known the former parts of his life. The Irish army was forsaken by their officers for two days; if there had been a hot pursuit, it would have put an end to the war of Ireland; but the king thought his first care ought to be to secure Duhlin; and king James's officers, as they abandoned it, went back to the army, only in hopes of a good capitulation. Dublin was thus forsaken, and no harm done, which was much apprehended; but the fear the Irish were in was such, that they durst not venture on any thing which must have drawn severe revenges after it. So the protestants there, being now the masters, they declared for the king. Drogheda did also capitulate.

But, to balance this great success, the king had, the very day after the battle at the Boyne, the news of a battle fought in Flanders, between prince Waldeck and the marshal Luxembourg, in which the former was defeated. The cavalry did at the first charge run, but the foot made an amazing stand. The French had the honour of a victory, and took many prisoners, with the artillery; yet the stand the infantry made was such, that they lost more than they got by the day; nor were they able to draw any advantage from it. This was the battle of Fleurus, that, in the consequence of it, proved the means of preserving England.

The battle of the Boyne was fought on the 1st of July. Frederic Schomberg, duke of Schomberg, marquis of Harwich, earl of Brentford, &c., was born in 1608. His father was count Schomberg; his mother a daughter of lord Dudley. A German and a calvinist, he sought employment as a military adventurer in Holland, under

William the Second. Becoming unpopular with the Dutch, on the death of this prince, he entered into the service of Lewis the Fourteenth, in whose army he served with entire devotion. At this period he is first mentioned in this work, and the most prominent features of his life have been noticed.-Birch's Lives.

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