zealous for episcopacy, to have preserved it at that time; and I could do no more than I did, both for the order itself, and for all those who adhered to it there. A new debate was set on foot in that parliament concerning the judges. By the law there, when the king names a judge, he ought to be examined by other judges, whether he is qualified as the law directs; but, in the year 1661, because the bench was to be filled with a new set of judges, so that there was none to examine the rest, the nomination the king then made was read in parliament, and, no objection being made to any of them, they did upon that sit and act as judges. It was expected that the same method should be followed at this time. But, instead of that, the king continued such a number of the former judges as was sufficient to examine those who were now to be advanced; so that was ordered to be done. Upon this, those who opposed every thing pretended that the nomination ought to be made in parliament; and they had prepared objections against every one that was upon the list; intending by this to put a public affront on one of the first and most important actions of the king's government. Duke Hamilton had a positive instruction sent him not to suffer this matter to be brought into parliament; yet he saw the party was so set and so strong that they had a clear majority; nor did he himself very much approve of the nomination, chiefly that of old Dalrymple, soon after made lord Stair, to be president. So he discontinued the parliament.

But while those animosities were thus fomented, the earl of Dundee had got together a considerable body of gentlemen, with some thousands of Highlanders. He sent several messengers over to Ireland, pressing king James to come either to the north of England, or to Scotland. But at the same time he desired that he would not bring the lord Melfort over with him, or employ him more in Scotch business; and that he would be contented with the exercise of his own religion. It may be easily supposed that all this went against the grain with king James; and that the lord Melfort disparaged all the earl of Dundee's undertakings. In this he was much supported by the French near that king, who had it given them in charge (as a main instruction) to keep him up to a high owning of his religion, and of all those who were of it; and not to suffer him to enter into any treaty, or conditions, with his protestant subjects, by which the papists should in any sort suffer, or be so much as discouraged. The Irish were willing enough to cross the seas to England, but would not consent to the going over to Scotland. So the earl of Dundee was furnished with some small store of arms and ammunition, and had kind promises, encouraging him and all that joined with him.

Mackay, a general officer that had served long in Holland with great reputation, and who was the most pious man that I ever knew in a military way, was sent down to command the army in Scotland. He was one of the best officers of the age, when he had nothing to do but to obey and execute orders; for he was both diligent, obliging, and brave; but he was not so fitted for command. His piety made him too apt to mistrust his own sense, and to be too tender, or rather fearful, in anything where there might be a needless effusion of blood. He followed the earl of Dundee's motion, who was less encumbered with cannon and other baggage, and so marched quicker than it was possible for him to follow: his men were for the most part new levied, and without experience; but he had some old bodies on whom he depended. The heads of the clans among the Highlanders promised to join him; but most of them went to viscount Dundee. At last, after many marches and motions, they came to an engagement at Killicranky, some few miles above Dunkeld. The ground was narrow, and lord Dundee had the advantage. He broke through Mackay's army, and they ran for it; and probably, if the earl of Dundee had outlived that day, the victory might have been pursued far; but a random shot put an end to his life, and to the whole design; for Mackay rallied his men and made such a stand, that the other side fell into great disorder, and could never be formed again into a considerable body. A fort was soon after built at Innerlochy, which was called Fort William, and served to cut off the communication between the northern and southern Highlanders*.

• Lord Clarendon says that he had it from sir George Mackenzie, that, if James the Second had placed himself at the head of the Scotch Highlanders, while the earl of

Dundee was alive, all Scotland would have joined him. But the earl of Melfort's advice and influence ruined his cause.-(Clarendon Correspondence.) John Graham,

During all these public disorders that happened in so many different places, the trade suffered considerably; for the French, not setting out a fleet any more, sent out so many cruisers and privateers into our seas, that England thereby suffered great losses; there not being at that time a sufficient number of frigates to convoy and secure the merchantmen. We seemed to be masters at sea, and yet were great losers there.

Affairs went much better on the Rhine. The imperial army, commanded by the Duke of Lorrain, took Mentz, which the French had entered after they took Philipsburg; the siege was slow and long, but prosperous in its conclusion; and by this means Franconia, which before lay exposed, was now covered. The elector of Brandenburg came down with an army, and cleared the archbishopric of Cologne, which was before possessed by French garrisons. Keizerwart and Bonn held him some time; but the rest were soon taken. So now the

Rhine was open all up to Mentz. Nothing passed in Flanders, where prince Waldeck com

manded and the campaign ended without any misfortunes on that side.

:

I now return to the affairs of England during the recess. The clergy generally took the oaths, though with too many reservations and distinctions, which laid them open to severe censures, as if they had taken them against their conscience. The king was suspected by them by reason of the favour shewn to dissenters, but chiefly for his abolishing episcopacy in Scotland, and his consenting to the setting up presbytery there. This gave some credit to the reports that were with great industry infused into many of them of the king's coldness at best, if not his aversion, to the church of England. The leading men in both universities, chiefly Oxford, were possessed with this; and it began to have very ill effects over all England. Those who did not carry this so far as to think, as some said they did, that the church was to be pulled down, yet said a latitudinarian party was likely to prevail and to engross all preferments. These were thought less bigoted to outward ceremonies; so now it was generally spread about that men zealous for the church would be neglected, and that those who were more indifferent in such matters would be preferred. Many of the latter had managed the controversies with the church of Rome with so much clearness and with that success, that the papists, to revenge themselves, and to blast those whom they considered as their most formidable enemies, had cast aspersions on them as Socinians, and as men that denied all mysteries. And now some angry men at Oxford, who apprehended that those divines were likely to be most considered in this reign, took up the same method of calumny, and began to treat them as Socinians. The earl of Clarendon and some of the bishops, who had already incurred the suspension for not taking the oaths to the government, took much ill-natured pains to spread these slanders. Six bishoprics happened to fall within this year: Salisbury, Chester, Bangor, Worcester, Chichester, and Bristol; so that the king named six bishops within six months. And the persons promoted to these sees were generally men of those principles. The proceedings in Scotland cast a great load on the king; he could not hinder the change of the government of that church without putting all his affairs in great disorder. The episcopal party went almost universally into king James's interests; so that the presbyterians were the only party that the king had in that kingdom. The king did indeed assure us, and myself in particular, that he would restrain and moderate the violence of the presbyterians. Lord Melvill did also promise the same thing very solemnly; and at first he seemed much set upon it. But when he saw so great a party formed against himself; and, since many of the presbyterians inclined to favour them, and to set themselves in an opposition to the court, he thought it was the king's interest, or at least his own, to engage that party entirely; and he found nothing could do that so effectually as to abandon the ministers of the episcopal persuasion to their fury. He set up the earl of Crawford as the head of his party, who was passionate in his temper, and was out of measure zealous in his principles: he was chosen to be the president of the parliament. He received and encouraged all the complaints that were made of the episcopal ministers; the convention, when they had passed the votes declaring the king and queen, ordered a proclamation to be

viscount Dundee, was a frank, talented, noble-minded,

Inan.

After he had received his death wound at Killicranky, he asked how the victory was inclining? and, being told "All is well"" Then," he replied, “I am

well "-and immediately after expired. He died July 27th, 1689.-Dalrymple's Memoirs; Memoirs of Viscount Dundee, the Highland Clans, and the Glencoe Massacre.

read the next Sunday in all the churches of Edinburgh, and in all the other churches in the kingdom by a certain prefixed day; but which was so near at hand that it was scarcely possible to lay proclamations all round the nation within the time; and it was absolutely impossible for the clergy to meet together, and come to any resolution among themselves. For the most part the proclamations were not brought to the ministers till the morning of the Sunday in which they were ordered to be read; so this having the face of a great change of principles, many could not on the sudden resolve to submit to it; some had not the proclamations brought to them till the day was past; many of these read it the Sunday following. Some of those who did not think fit to read the proclamation, yet obeyed it; and continued, after that, to pray for the king and queen. Complaints were brought to the council of all those who had not read, nor obeyed, the proclamation; and they were in a summary way deprived of their benefices. In the executing this, lord Crawford shewed much eagerness and violence. Those who did not read the proclamation on the day appointed had no favour, though they did it afterwards. And upon any word that fell from them, either in their extemporary prayers or sermons, that shewed disaffection to the government, they were also deprived. All these things were published up and down England, and much aggravated; and raised the aversion that the church had to the presbyterians so high, that they began to repent their having granted a toleration to a party that, where they prevailed, showed so much fury against those of the episcopal persuasion. So that such of us as had laboured to excuse the change that the king was forced to consent to, and had promised in his name great moderation towards our friends in that kingdom, were much out of countenance, when we saw the violence with which matters were carried there. These things concurred to give the clergy such ill impressions of the king that we had little reason to look for success in a design that was then preparing for the convocation, for whom a summons was issued out to meet during the next session of parliament.

It was told in the history of the former reign that the clergy did then express an inclination to come to a temper with relation to the presbyterians, and such other dissenters as could be brought into a comprehension with the church; the bishops had mentioned it in their petition to king James, for which they were tried; and his present majesty had promised to endeavour an union between the church and the dissenters, in that declaration that he brought over with him; but it seemed necessary to prepare and digest that matter carefully, before it should be offered to the convocation. Things of such a nature ought to be judged of by a large number of men, but must be prepared by a smaller number well chosen; yet it was thought a due respect to the church to leave the matter wholly in the hands of the clergy. So, by a special commission under the great seal, ten bishops and twenty divines were empowered to meet, and prepare such alterations in the Book of Common Prayer and Canons as might be fit to lay before the convocation. This was become necessary, since by the submission which the clergy in convocation made to king Henry the Eighth, which was confirmed in parliament, they bound themselves not to attempt any new canons without obtaining the king's leave first, and that under the pains of a premunire. It was looked on, therefore, as the properest way, to obtain the king's leave to have a scheme of the whole matter put in order by a number of bishops and divines; great care was taken to name these so impartially, that no exceptions could lie against any of them; they upon this sat closely to it for several weeks; they had before them all the exceptions that either the puritans before the war, or the nonconformists since the restoration, had made to any part of the church service; they had also many propositions and advices that had been offered, at several times, by many of our bishops and divines upon those heads; matters were well considered and freely and calmly debated; and all was digested into an entire correction of every thing that seemed liable to any just objection. We had some very rigid, as well as some very learned, men among us; though the most rigid either never came to our meetings, or they soon withdrew from us, declaring themselves dissatisfied with every thing of that nature: some telling us plainly that they were against all alterations whatsoever. They thought too much was already done for the dissenters in the toleration that was granted them; but that they would do nothing to make that still easier They said further that the altering the customs and constitution of our church,

to gratify a peevish and obstinate party, was likely to have no other effect on them but to make them more insolent: as if the church, by offering these alterations, seemed to confess that she had been hitherto in the wrong. They thought this attempt would divide us among ourselves, and make our people lose their esteem for the liturgy, if it appeared that it wanted correction. They also excepted to the manner of preparing matters by a special commission, as limiting the convocation, and imposing upon it; and to load this with a word of an ill sound, they called this a new ecclesiastical commission. But, in answer to all this, it was said, that if by a few corrections or explanations we offered all just satisfaction to the chiet objections of the dissenters, we had reason to hope that this would bring over many of them, at least of the people, if not of the teachers among them; or, if the prejudices of education wrought too strongly upon the present age, yet, if some more sensible objections were put out of the way, we might well hope that it would have a great effect on the next generation. If these condescensions were made so as to own, in the way of offering them, that the nonconformists had been in the right, that might turn to the reproach of the church; but, such offers being made only in regard to their weakness, the reproach fell on them: as the honour accrued to the church, who showed herself a true mother by her care to preserve her children. It was not offered that the ordinary posture of receiving the sacrament kneeling should be changed: that was still to be the received and favoured posture; only such as declared they could not overcome their scruples in that matter were to be admitted to it in another posture. Ritual matters were of their own nature indifferent, and had been always declared to be so; all the necessity of them arose only from the authority in church and state that had enacted them. Therefore it was an unreasonable stiffness to deny any abatement, or yielding in such matters, in order to the healing the wounds of our church. Great alterations had been made in such things in all the ages of the church. Even the church of Rome was still making some alterations in her rituals. And changes had been made among ourselves, often since the reformation, in king Edward's, queen Elizabeth's, king James's, and king Charles the Second's reigns. These were always made upon some great turn: critical times being the most proper for designs of that kind. The toleration now granted seemed to render it more necessary than formerly to make the terms of communion with the church as large as might be, that so we might draw over to us the greater number from those who might now leave us more safely; and therefore we were to use the more care in order to gaining of them. And, as for the manner of preparing these overtures, the king's supremacy signified little if he could not appoint a select number to consider of such matters as he might think fit to lay before the convocation. This did no way break in upon their full freedom of debate; it being free to them to reject, as well as to accept of, the propositions that should be offered to them. But while men were arguing this matter on both sides, the party that was now at work for king James took hold of this occasion to inflame men's minds. It was said the church was to be pulled down, and presbytery was to be set up that all this now in debate was only intended to divide and distract the church, and to render it by that means both weaker and more ridiculous, while it went off from its former grounds in offering such concessions. The universities took fire upon this, and began to declare against it, and against all that promoted it, as men that intended to undermine the church. Severe reflections were cast on the king, as being in an interest contrary to the church; for the church was as the word, given out by the jacobite party, under which they thought they might more safely shelter themselves. Great canvassings were every where in the elections of convocation men; a thing not known in former times; so that it was soon very visible that we were not in a temper cool or calm enough to encourage the further prosecuting such a design.

When the convocation was opened, the king sent them a message by the earl of Nottingham, assuring them of his constant favour and protection, and desiring them to consider such things, as by his order should be laid before them, with due care and an impartial zeal for the peace and good of the church. But the lower house of convocation expressed a resolution not to enter into any debates with relation to alterations; so that they would take no notice of the second part of the king's message; and it was not without difficulty carried to make a decent address to the king, thanking him for his promise of protection. But

because in the draught which the bishops sent them they acknowledged the protection that the protestant religion in general, and the church of England in particular, had received from him, the lower house thought that this imported their owning some common union with the foreign protestants; so they would not agree to it. There was at this time but a small number of bishops in the upper house of convocation, and they had not their metropolitan with them; so they had not strength nor authority to set things forward. Therefore they advised the king to suffer the session to be discontinued. And thus, seeing they were in no disposition to enter upon business, they were kept from doing mischief by prorogations for a course of ten years. This was in reality a favour to them; for, ever since the year 1662, the convocation had indeed continued to sit, but to do no business; so that they were kept at no small charge in town to do nothing, but only to meet and read a Latin litany. It was therefore an ease to be freed from such an attendance to no purpose. The ill reception that the clergy gave the king's message raised a great and just outcry against them; since all the promises made in king James's time were now so entirely forgotten.

But there was a very happy direction of the providence of God observed in this matter. The jacobite clergy, who were then under suspension, were designing to make a schism in the church, whensoever they should be turned out and their places should be filled up by others. They saw it would not be easy to make a separation upon a private and personal account, they therefore wished to be furnished with more specious pretences; and, if we had made alterations in the Rubric and other parts of the Common Prayer, they would have pretended that they still stuck to the ancient church of England, in opposition to those who were altering it and setting up new models; and, as I do firmly believe that there is a wise providence that watches upon human affairs and directs them, chiefly those that relate to religion; so I have with great pleasure observed this in many instances relating to the revolution. And upon this occasion I could not but see that the jacobites among us, who wished and hoped that we should have made those alterations which they reckoned would have been of great advantage for serving their ends, were the instruments of raising such a clamour against them, as prevented their being made. For by all the judgments we could afterwards make, if we had carried a majority in the convocation for alterations, they would have done us more hurt than good.

I now turn to a more important, as well as a more troublesome, scene. In winter a session of parliament met full of jealousy and ill humour. The ill conduct of affairs was imputed chiefly to the lord Halifax; so the first attack was made on him. The duke of Bolton made a motion in the house of lords for a committee to examine who had the chief hand in the severities and executions in the end of king Charles's reign, and in the quo warrantos, and the delivering up the charters; the enquiry lasted some weeks, and gave occasion to much heat; but nothing appeared that could be proved, upon which votes or addresses could have been grounded; yet the lord Halifax having during that time concurred with the ministry in council, he saw it was necessary for him to withdraw now from the ministers, and quit the court. And soon after he reconciled himself to the Tories and became wholly theirs; he opposed every thing that looked favourably towards the government, and did upon all occasions serve the jacobites, and protect the whole party. But the Whigs began to lose much of the king's good opinion by the heat that they showed in both houses against their enemies, and by the coldness that appeared in every thing that related to the public, as well as to the king in his own particular. He expressed an earnest desire to have the revenue of the crown settled on him for life. He said he was not a king till that was done, without that the title of a king was only a pageant. And he spoke of this with more than ordinary vehemence; so that sometimes he said he would not stay and hold an empty name, unless that was done; he said once to myself he understood the good of a commonwealth, as well as of a kingly government and it was not easy to determine which was best; but he was sure the worst of all governments was that of a king without treasure and without power. But a jealousy was now infused into many, that he would grow arbitrary in his government, if he once had the revenue; and would strain for a high stretch of prerogative as soon as he was out of difficulties and necessities. Those of the Whigs who had lived some years at Amsterdam, had got together a great many stories, that went about