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write him news: the Spaniard asked him, whether he would have true, or false, news: and, when the king seemed amazed at the question, he added, if he wrote him true news the king must be secret, for he knew he must write news to Don John that would be acceptable, true or false when the ministers of that court shewed that they would be served in such a manner, it is no wonder to see how their affairs have declined. This matter of the fleet continued a great secret. And some months after that, Stoupe being accidentally with Cromwell, one came from the fleet through Ireland with a letter. The bearer looked like one that brought no welcome news. And as soon as Cromwell had read the letter, he dismissed Stoupe, who went immediately to the earl of Leicester, then lord Lisle, and told him what he had seen. He being of Cromwell's council went to Whitehall, and came back, and told Stoupe of the descent made on Hispaniola, and of the misfortune that had happened. It was then late, and was the post night for Flanders. So Stoupe wrote it as news to his correspondent, some days before the Spanish ambassador knew any thing of it. Don John was amazed at the news, and had never any regard for the ambassador after that; but had a great opinion of Stoupe, and ordered the ambassador to make him theirs at any rate. The ambassador sent for him, and asked him, now that it appeared he had guessed right, what were his grounds: and when he told what they were, the ambassador owned he had reason to conclude as he did upon what he saw. And upon that he made great use of Stoupe: but he himself was never esteemed after that so much as he had been. This deserved to be set down so particularly, since by it it appears, that the greatest design may be discovered by an undue carelessness. The court of France was amazed at the undertaking, and was glad that it had miscarried; for the cardinal said, if he had suspected it, he would have made peace with Spain on any terms, rather than to have given way to that which would have been such an addition to England, as must have brought all the wealth of the world into their hands. The fleet took Jamaica: but that was a small gain, though much magnified to cover the failing of the main design. The war after that broke out, in which Dunkirk was indeed taken, and put into Cromwell's hands: but the trade of England suffered more in that, than in any former war so he lost the heart of the city of London by that means.

Cromwell had two signal occasions given him to shew his zeal in protecting the protestants abroad. The duke of Savoy raised a new persecution of the Vaudois: so Cromwell sent to Mazarin, desiring him to put a stop to that; adding that he knew well they had that duke in their power, and could restrain him as they pleased: and if they did not he must presently break with them. Mazarin objected to this as unreasonable: he promised to do good offices, but he could not be obliged to answer for the effects they might have. This did not satisfy Cromwell: so they obliged the duke of Savoy to put a stop to that unjust fury and Cromwell raised a great sum for the Vaudois, and sent over Morland to settle all their losses*. There was also a tumult in Nismes, in which some disorder had been committed by the huguenots: and they, apprehending severe proceedings upon it, sent one over with great expedition to Cromwell, who sent him back to Paris in an hour's time with a very effectual letter to his ambassador, requiring him either to prevail that the matter might be passed over, or to come away immediately. Mazarin complained of this way of proceeding, as too imperious but the necessity of their affairs made him yield. These things raised Cromwell's character abroad, and made him be much depended on.

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His ambassador in France at this time was Lockhart, a Scotchman, who had married his niece, and was in high favour with him, as he well deserved to be. He was both a wise and a gallant man, calm and virtuous, and one that carried the generosities of friendship very far. He was made governor of Dunkirk, and ambassador at the same time. But he told me, that when he was sent afterwards ambassador by king Charles, he found he had nothing of that regard that was paid him in Cromwell's time t.

*The Vaudois, or Waldenses, are a most interesting people. They were among the very earliest opponents of the superstitions, errors, and tyranny of the papal see. Their persecution began as early as the twelfth century. See Mosheim, Turner's England and the Middle Ages, Gilly's History of the Waldenses, &c. Whether Cromwell's charitable interference arose from his anxiety for

the welfare and diffusion of the reformed religion; or from his desire to make England respected as its champion, it was an act that must always obtain for him unqualified praise.

+Clarendon speaks of general Lockhart in the highest terms, confessing that he was proof against bribes, and an excellent ambassador.

Stoupe told me of a great design Cromwell had intended to begin his kingship with, if he had assumed it: he resolved to set up a council for the protestant religion, in opposition to the congregation de propaganda fide at Rome. He intended it should consist of seven councillors, and four secretaries for different provinces. These were the first, France, Switzerland, and the Valleys: the Palatinate and other Calvinists were the second: Germany, the north, and Turkey were the third: and the East and West Indies were the fourth. The secretaries were to have 500l. salary apiece, and to keep a correspondence every where, to know the state of religion all over the world, that so all good designs might be by their means protected and assisted. Stoupe was to have the first province. They were to have a fund of 10,000l. a year at their disposal for ordinary emergencies, but to be farther supplied as occasions should require it. Chelsea College was to be made up for them, which was then an old decayed building, that had been at first raised to be a college for writers of controversy *. I thought it was not fit to let such a project as this be quite lost: it was certainly a noble one: but how far he would have pursued it must be left to conjecture.

Stoupe told me a remarkable passage in his employment under Cromwell. Stoupe had desired all that were under the prince of Condé to let him know some news, in return of that he wrote to them. So he had a letter from one of them, giving an account of an Irishman newly gone over, who had said he would kill Cromwell, and that he was to lodge in King-street, Westminster. With this Stoupe went to Whitehall. Cromwell being then at council, he sent him a note, letting him know that he had a business of great consequence to lay before him. Cromwell was then upon a matter that did so entirely possess him, that he, fancying that it was only some piece of foreign intelligence, sent Thurloe to know what it might be. Stoupe was troubled at this, but could not refuse to shew him his letter. Thurloe made no great matter of it: he said, they had many such advertisements sent them, which signified nothing but to make the world think the protector was in danger of his life and the looking too much after these things had an appearance of fear, which did ill become so great a man. Stoupe told him, King-street might be soon searched. Thurloe answered, if we find no such person, how shall we be laughed at? Yet he ordered him to write again to Brussels, and promise any reward if a more particular discovery could be made. Stoupe was much cast down, when he saw that a piece of intelligence which he hoped might have made his fortune was so little considered. He wrote to Brussels: but he had no more from thence, but a confirmation of what had been written formerly to him. And Thurloe did not think fit to make any search, or any farther inquiry into it: nor did he so much as acquaint Cromwell with it. Stoupe, being uneasy at this, told lord Lisle of it: and it happened that, a few weeks after, Syndercomb's design of assassinating Cromwell near Brentford, as he was going to Hampton-court, was discovered. When he was examined, it appeared that he was the person set out in the letters from Brussels. So Lisle said to Cromwell, this is the very man of whom Stoupe had the notice given him. Cromwell seemed amazed at this; and sent for Stoupe, and in great wrath reproached him for his ingratitude in concealing a matter of such consequence to him. Stoupe upon this showed him the letters he had received; and put him in mind of the note he had sent in to him, which was immediately after he had the first letter, and that he had sent out Thurloe to him. At that Cromwell seemed yet more amazed; and sent for Thurloe, to whose face Stoupe affirmed the matter: nor did he deny any part of it; but only said, that he had many such advertisements sent him, in which till this time he had never found any truth. Cromwell replied sternly, that he ought to have acquainted him with it, and left him to judge of the importance of it. Thurloe desired to speak in private with Cromwell. So Stoupe was dismissed, and went away not doubting but Thurloe would be disgraced. But as he understood from Lisle afterward, Thurloe showed Cromwell such instances of his care and fidelity on all such occasions, and humbly acknowledged his error in this matter, but imputed it wholly to his care both for his honour and quiet, that he pacified him entirely and indeed he was so much in all Cromwell's secrets, that it was not safe to disgrace Chelsea College was founded by Dr. Sutcliffe, dean of Exeter. He intended that it should consist of a provost and twenty fellows.-Kennet's Complete Hist. of England, ii. 685. Archbishop Bancroft proposed to be its benefactor, and urged James I. to be its active patron.

This led Wilson into the error of saying that the archbishop induced the king to found it. After the former's death it was neglected, the king "wisely considering that nothing begets more contention than opposition."— Wilson's James I., 53.

him without destroying him; and that it seems Cromwell could not resolve on. Thurloe having mastered this point, that he might farther justify his not being so attentive as he ought to have been, did so much search into Stoupe's whole deportment, that he possessed Cromwell with such an ill opinion of him, that after that he never treated him with any confidence. So he found how dangerous it was even to preserve a prince, (so he called him) when a minister was wounded in the doing of it: and that the minister would be too hard for the prince, even though his own safety was concerned in it.

These are all the memorable things that I have learnt concerning Cromwell; of whom so few have spoken with any temper, some commending and others condemning him, and both out of measure, that I thought a just account of him, which I had from sure hands, might be no unacceptable thing. He never could shake off the roughness of his education and temper: he spoke always long, and very ungracefully. The enthusiast and the dissembler mixed so equally in a great part of his deportment, that it was not easy to tell which was the prevailing character. He was indeed both, as I understood from Wilkins and Tillotson, the one having married his sister, and the other his niece. He was a true enthusiast, but with the principle formerly mentioned, from which he might be easily led into all the practices both of falsehood and cruelty: which was, that he thought moral laws were only binding on ordinary occasions, but that upon extraordinary ones these might be superseded. When his own designs did not lead him out of the way, he was a lover of justice and virtue, and even of learning, though much decried at that time.

He studied to seek out able and honest men, and to employ them and so having heard that my father had a very great reputation in Scotland for piety and integrity, though he knew him to be a royalist, he sent to him, desiring him to accept of a judge's place, and to do justice in his own country, hoping only that he would not act against his government; but he would not press him to subscribe, or swear, to it. My father refused it in a pleasant way. When he who brought the message was running out into Cromwell's commendation, my father told a story of a pilgrim in popery, who came to a church where one saint Kilmaclotius was in great reverence: so the pilgrim was bid pray to him: but he answered, he knew nothing of him, for he was not in his breviary: but when he was told how great a saint he was, he prayed this collect; "O sancte Kilmacloti, tu nobis hactenus es incognitus, hoc solum a te rogo, ut si bona tua nobis non prosint, saltem mala ne noceant." My father replied, that he desired no other favour of him but leave to live privately, without the impositions of oaths and subscriptions: and ever after he lived in great quiet. And this was an instance of it: Overton, one of Cromwell's major generals, who was a high republican, being for some time at Aberdeen, where we then lived, my father and he were often together: in particular they were shut up alone for about two hours the night after the order came from Cromwell to take away Overton's commissions, and to put him in arrest. Upon that Howard, afterward earl of Carlisle, being sent down to inquire into all the plots that those men had been in, heard of this long privacy: but, when with that he heard what my father's character was, he made no farther inquiry into it; but said Cromwell was very uneasy when any good man was questioned for any thing.

This gentleness had in a great measure quieted people's minds with relation to him. And his maintaining the honour of the nation in all foreign countries gratified the vanity which is very natural to Englishmen; of which he was so careful, that though he was not a crowned head, yet his ambassadors had all the respects paid them which our kings' ambassadors ever had: he said, the dignity of the crown was upon the account of the nation, of which the king was only the representative head; so the nation being still the same, he would have the same regards paid to his ministers.

Another instance of this pleased him much. Blake with the fleet happened to be at Malaga before he made war upon Spain: and some of his seamen went ashore, and met the hostie carried about; and not only paid no respect to it, but laughed at those who did; so one of the priests put the people on resenting this indignity; and they fell upon them, and beat them severely. When they returned to their ship they complained of this usage; and upon that Blake sent a trumpet to the viceroy, to demand the priest who was the chief instrument in that ill usage. The viceroy answered, he had no authority over the priests,

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and so could not dispose of him. Blake upon that sent him word, tnat he would not inquire who had the power to send the priest to him, but if he were not sent within three hours he would burn their town: and they, being in no condition to resist him, sent the priest to him, who justified himself upon the petulant behaviour of the seamen. Blake answered, that if he had sent a complaint to him of it, he would have punished them severely, since he would not suffer his men to affront the established religion of any place at which he touched: but he took it ill, that he set on the Spaniards to do it; for he would have all the world to know, that an Englishman was only to be punished by an Englishman: and so he treated the priest civilly, and sent him back, being satisfied that he had him at his mercy.

Cromwell was much delighted with this, and read the letters in council with great satisfaction; and said, he hoped he should make the name of an Englishman as great as ever that of a Roman had been. The States of Holland were in such dread of him, that they took care to give him no sort of umbrage: and when at any time the king, or his brothers, came to see their sister, the princess royal, within a day or two after they used to send a deputation to let them know, that Cromwell had required of the States that they should give them no harbour. King Charles, when he was seeking for colour for the war with the Dutch in the year 1672, urged it for one, that they suffered some of his rebels to live in their provinces. Borel, then their ambassador, answered, that it was a maxim of long standing among them, not to inquire upon what account strangers came to live in their country, but to receive them all, unless they had been concerned in conspiracies against the persons of princes. The king told him upon that, how they had used both himself and his brother. Borel, in great simplicity, answered: "Ah! sire, c'étoit une autre chose: Cromwell étoit un grand homme, et il se faisoit craindre par terre et par mer." This was very rough. The king's answer was: "Je me ferai craindre aussi à mon tour." But he was scarce as good as his word. Cromwell's favourite alliance was with Sweden. Carolus Gustavus and he lived in great conjunction of counsels. Even Algernon Sydney, who was not inclined to think or speak well of kings, commended him to me; and said, he had just notions of public liberty; and added, that Queen Christina seemed to have them likewise. But she was much changed from that, when I waited on her at Rome; for she complained of us as a factious nation, that did not readily comply with the commands of our princes. All Italy trembled at the name of Cromwell, and seemed under a panic, as long as he lived. His fleet scoured the Mediterranean; and the Turks durst not offend him; but delivered up Hyde, who kept up the character of an ambassador from the king there, and was brought over and executed for it *. The putting the brother of the king of Portugal's ambassador to death for murder, was carrying justice very far; since, though in the strictness of the law of nations, it is only the ambassador's own person that is exempted from any authority but his master's that sends him, yet the practice had gone in favour of all that the ambassador owned to belong to him †. their talents and Stuart loyalty. They were cousins of Lord Chancellor Clarendon. Wood's Athena, (Oxon. ii. 1152, fol. ed.

Cromwell was only acting as became the head of the executive of England, when he brought Sir Henry Hyde to trial, and sanctioned his execution. In that capacity he had to maintain the honour and interests of this country. Though protector in name, he was king de facto, as such it was his province to depute ambassadors to foreign courts; and he had sent Sir Thomas Bendish in that capacity to Constantinople. Charles the Second, regardless of the law of nations, which declares that no prince deprived of his dominions is entitled to appoint ambassadors, sent Sir Henry Hyde to the Ottoman court. Upon his arrival, he assumed the power to discharge Sir Thomas Bendish from his office; entered into plans for seizing the goods of the English merchants for the use of the ex-king, and did other acts injurious to the interests, and treasonable against the government of this country. Cromwell demanded that he should be given up, and upon his arrival in this country, he was tried, and executed. This was in 1650. The scaffold was erected before the Royal Exchange, doubtless as a notice to the mercantile world, that the government was sensibly alive to, and resolute to protect, our commercial interests. Sir Henry Hyde was one of eleven brothers, all distinguished for

+ Burnet is wrong in considering this was an outstretch of the law. An ambassador himself, if he commit a felony or any other crime, contra jus gentium, loses his privilege, and may be punished in the country where he perpetrates the offence without being remanded to his sovereign. Coke's 4 Institute, 153. A fortiori, an ambassador's brother, not even belonging to his suite, but who, as Clarendon states, accompanied him "out of curiosity," is not protected from our laws if he commits a deliberate murder. This was the case with Don Pantaleon Sa, alluded to in the text. Having quarrelled with a gentleman upon the Exchange, and being worsted in the encounter, he returned the day following with an armed retinue, and killed a gentleman, whom he mistook for his previous-day's adversary. His brother, the Portuguese ambassador, made every effort to protect him from the consequences, but without avail. Cromwell's immoveable answer was, "Justice must be done." He was beheaded on Tower Hill in July, 1654.-Clarendon's Hist. of Rebellion, iii. 385. Philip's Baker's Chron. 535.

Cromwell shewed his good understanding in nothing more, than in seeking out capable and worthy men for all employments, but most particularly for the courts of law, which gave a general satisfaction.

Thus he lived, and at last died, on his auspicious* third of September, of so slight a sickness, that his death was not looked for. He had two sons, and four daughters. His sons were weak, but honest men. Richard, the eldest, though declared protector in pursuance of a nomination pretended to be made by Cromwell, the truth of which was much questioned, was not at all bred for business, nor indeed capable of it. He was innocent of all the ill his father had done so there was no prejudice lay against him: and both the royalists and the presbyterians fancied he favoured them, though he pretended to be an independent. But all the commonwealth party cried out upon his assuming the protectorship, as a high usurpation; since whatever his father had from his parliaments was only personal, and so fell with him yet in opposition to this, the city of London, and all the counties and cities almost in England, sent him addresses congratulatory, as well as condoling. So little do these pompous appearances of respect signify. Tillotson told me, that a week after Cromwell's death, he, being by accident at Whitehall, and hearing there was to be a fast that day in the household, out of curiosity went into the presence chamber where it was held. On the one side of a table, Richard with the rest of Cromwell's family were placed, and six of the preachers were on the other side: Thomas Goodwin, Owen, Carril and Sterry were of the number. There he heard a great deal of strange stuff, enough to disgust a man for ever of that enthusiastic boldness. God was, as it were, reproached with Cromwell's services, and challenged for taking him away so soon. Goodwin, who had pretended to assure them in a prayer that he was not to die, which was but a very few minutes before he expired, had now the impudence to say to God, "Thou hast deceived us, and we were deceived." Sterry, praying for Richard, used those indecent words, next to blasphemy, "Make him the brightness of the father's glory, and the express image of his person." Richard was put on giving his father a pompous funeral, by which his debts increased so upon him, that he was soon run out of all credit. When the parliament met, his party tried to get a recognition of his protectorship but it soon appeared, they had no strength to carry it. Fleetwood, who married Ireton's widow, set up a council of officers: and these resolved to lay aside Richard, who had neither genius nor friends, neither treasure nor army, to support him. He desired only security for the debts he had contracted; which was promised, but not performed. And so without any struggle he withdrew, and became a private man. And as he had done hurt to nobody, so nobody did ever study to hurt him; a rare instance of the instability of human greatness, and of the security of innocence. His brother had been made by the father, lieutenant of Ireland, and had the more spirit of the two; but he could not stand his ground, when his brother quitted. One of Cromwell's daughters was married to Claypole, and died a little before himself: another was married to the earl of Falconbridge, a wise and worthy woman, more likely to have maintained the post than either of her brothers; according to a saying that went of her, "that those who wore breeches deserved petticoats better, but if those in petticoats had been in breeches, they would have held faster." The other daughter was married, first to the earl of Warwick's heir, and afterwards to one Russel. They were both very worthy persons +.

Upon Richard's leaving the stage, the Commonwealth was again set up; and the parliament which Cromwell had broken was brought together: but the army and they fell into new disputes: so they were again broken by the army; and upon that the nation was like to fall into great convulsions. The enthusiasts became very fierce, and talked of nothing but the destroying all the records and the law, which they said had been all made by a succession of tyrants and papists: so they resolved to model all anew by a levelling, and a

*It may well be called Auspicious, since on that day he had defeated the Scotch at Dunbar, and the next year the king at Worcester.-Note by Author's Son.

The most comprehensive notice respecting Cromwell and his family, is in Noble's "Memoirs of the House of Cromwell;" but a good history of the Protectorate is yet

a desideratum. All the modern ones are unworthy copies of unworthy predecessors. They are the plagiarists of plagiaries; devoid of the very essential requisites, a knowledge of genuine authorities, and a perseverance in examining them. Godwin's History of the Commonwealth," is only partially exempt from this censure.

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