had only in general laid the state of affairs before the prince, without pressing him too much *.

But Russel coming over in May brought the matter nearer a point. He was a cousin german to lord Russel. He had been bred at sea, and was bedchamber-man to the king, when he was duke of York; but, upon the lord Russel's death, he retired from the court. He was a man of much honour, and great courage. He had good principles, and was firm to them. The prince spoke more positively to him than he had ever done before. He said, he must satisfy both his honour and conscience, before he could enter upon so great a design, which, if it miscarried, must bring ruin both on England and Holland: he protested, that no private ambition, nor resentment, of his own could ever prevail so far with him, as to make him break with so near a relation, or engage in a war, of which the consequences must be of the last importance, both to the interests of Europe, and of the protestant religion; therefore he expected formal and direct invitations. Russel laid before him the danger of trusting such a secret to great numbers. The prince said, if a considerable number of men, that might be supposed to understand the sense of the nation best, should do it, he would acquiesce in it.

Russel told me, that, upon his return to England, he communicated the matter, first to the earl of Shrewsbury, and then to the lord Lumley, who was a late convert from popery, and had stood out very firmly all this reign. He was a man who laid his interest much to heart: and he resolved to embark deeply in this design.

But the man in whose hands the conduct of the whole design was chiefly deposited by the prince's own order, was Mr. Sidney, brother to the earl of Leicester and to Algernon Sidney. He was a graceful man, and had lived long in the court, where he had some adventures that became very public. He was a man of a sweet and caressing temper, had no malice in his heart, but too great a love of pleasure. He had been sent envoy to Holland in the year 1679, where he entered into such particular confidences with the prince, that he had the highest measure of his trust and favour, that any Englishman ever had. This was well known over England; so that all who desired to recommend themselves to the prince did it through his hands. He was so apprehensive of the dangers this might cast him in, that he travelled almost a year round Italy. But now matters ripened faster; so all centred in him. But, because he was lazy, and the business required an active man, who could both run about, and write over long and full accounts of all matters, I recommended a kinsman of my own, Johnston, whom I had formed, and knew to be both faithful and diligent, and very fit for the employment he was now trusted with ‡.

Sidney tried the marquis of Halifax, if he would advise the prince's coming over; but, as this matter was opened to him at a great distance, he did not encourage a further freedom. He looked on the thing as impracticable; it depended on so many accidents, that he thought it was a rash and desperate project, that ventured all upon such a dangerous issue, as might turn on seas and winds. It was next opened to the earl of Danby: and he not only went in heartily to it himself, but drew in the bishop of London (Dr. Compton) to join in it. By their advice it was proposed to the earl of Nottingham, who had great credit with the whole church party; for he was a man possessed with their notions, and was grave and virtuous in the course of his life. He had some knowledge of the law, and of the records of parlia

Charles Talbot, afterwards duke of Shrewsbury, embraced the protestant religion, with many other distinguished persons, at the time of the popish plot. With his religion he changed his politics, and this godson of Charles the Second then became the opponent of arbitrary power. He lent William the Third 40,000Z., who in return made him a privy councillor, a lord justice, principal secretary of state, adding a dukedom and the garter. The king used to describe him as "the only man of whom the Whigs and Tories both spoke well." At the time of queen Anne's death he was lord lieutenant of Ireland, lord high treasurer, and lord chamberlain; important employments that never were before united in the same possession. George the First continued to employ him in many high offices. He died, aged fifty-eight, in 1718.

His death is said to have been caused by his wife, Adelleida, daughter of the marquis de Palliotti, an Italian, who proved a domestic tyrant, and the plague of his life. Lord Dartmouth says, that if queen Mary had outlived the king (William) she would certainly have married the duke, and that she was always agitated extremely when he came into her presence. A very full memoir of this nobleman, and of the political changes in which he was engaged, will be found in archdeacon Coxe's "Shrewsbury Correspondence."

This was Edward Russel, so distinguished afterwards as the victor at La Hogue, and better known as the earl of Orford. He will be mentioned in future pages.

He was a son of lord Wariston, before mentioned. Afterwards he became secretary of state for Scotland.

ment, and was a copious speaker, but too florid and tedious. He was much admired by many. He had stood at a great distance from the court all this reign; for, though his name was still among the privy councillors, yet he never went to the board. He upon the first proposition entertained it, and agreed to it; but at their next meeting he said, he had considered better of that matter: his conscience was so restrained in those points, that he could not go further with them in it: he said, he had talked with some divines, and named Tillotson and Stillingfleet, in general of the thing; and they were not satisfied with it; (though they protested to me afterwards, that they remembered no such thing.) He confessed he should not have suffered them to go so far with him in such a secret, till he had examined it better they had now, according to Italian notions, a right to murder him; but, though his principles restrained him, so that he could not go on with them, his affections would make him to wish well to them, and be so far a criminal as concealment could make him one. The earl of Devonshire was spoken to; and he went into it with great resolution. It was next proposed to three of the chief officers of the army, Trelawny, Kirk, and the lord Churchill. These went all into it: and Trelawny engaged his brother, the bishop of Bristol, into it.

But, having now named the lord Churchill *, who is likely to be mentioned often by me in the sequel of this work, I will say a little more of him. He was a man of a noble and graceful appearance, bred up in the court with nc literature; but he had a solid and clear understanding, with a constant presence of mind. He knew the arts of living in a court beyond any man in it. He caressed all people with a soft and obliging deportment, and was always ready to do good offices. He had no fortune to set up on: this put him on all the methods of acquiring one. And that went so far into him, that he did not shake it off when he was in a much higher elevation: nor was his expense suited enough to his posts; but, when allowances are made for that, it must be acknowledged, that he is one of the greatest men the age has produced. He was in high favour with the king; but his lady † was much more in princess Anne's favour. She had an ascendant over her in every thing. She was a woman of little knowledge, but of a clear apprehension, and a true judgment, a warm and hearty friend, violent and sudden in her resolutions, and impetuous in her way of speaking. She was thought proud and insolent on her favour, though she used none of the common arts of a court to maintain it; for she did not beset the princess, nor flatter her. She stayed much at home, and looked very carefully after the education of her children. Having thus opened both their characters, I will now give an account of this lord's engagements in this matter; for which he has been so severely censured, as guilty both of ingratitude and treachery, to a very kind, and liberal, master. He never discovered any of the king's secrets; nor did he ever push him on to any violent proceedings: so that he was in no contrivance to ruin, or betray, him. On the contrary, whensoever he spoke to the king of his affairs, which he did but seldom, because he could not fall in with the king's notions, he always suggested moderate counsels. The earl of Galway told me, that when he came over with the first compliment upon the king's coming to the crown, he said then to him, that, if the king was ever prevailed on to alter our religion, he would serve him no longer, but withdraw from him; so early was this resolution fixed in him. When he saw how the king was set, he could not be contented to see all ruined by him. He was also very doubtful as to the pretended birth. So he resolved, when the prince should come over, to go in to him; but to betray no post, nor do any thing more than the withdrawing himself, with such officers as he could trust with such a secret. He also undertook, that prince George and the princess Anne would leave the court, and come to the prince, as soon as was possible.

With these invitations, and letters, the earl of Shrewsbury, and Russel, came over in September; and soon after them came Sidney with Johnston. And they brought over a

This was afterwards the celebrated duke of Marlborough.

+ Subsequently so celebrated as the court favourite, Sarah, duchess of Marlborough. This intriguing peeress was introduced to queen Anne by Mrs. Cornwallis, a papist, and finding that if her introductress could be

removed, she shonld herself become prime favourite, she obtained her removal by the aid of bishop Compton, who suggested at the council that it was dangerous for a papist to be so intimate with the princess.-Earl of Dartinouth in Oxford ed. of this work.

full scheme of advices, together with the heads of a declaration, all which were chiefly penned by lord Danby. He, and the earl of Devonshire, and the lord Lumley, undertook for the north and they all dispersed themselves into their several countries, and among their friends. The thing was in the hands of many thousands, who yet were so true to one another, that none of them made any discovery, no not by their rashness; though they were so confident, that they did not use so discreet a conduct as was necessary. Matters went on in Holland with great secrecy till September. Then it was known, that many arms were bespoken ; and, though those were bargained for in the name of the king of Sweden, and of some of the princes of Germany, yet there was ground enough for suspicion. All those that were trusted proved both faithful, and discreet. And here an eminent difference appeared between the hearty concurrence of those who went into a design upon principles of religion, and honour, and the forced compliance of mercenary soldiers, or corrupt ministers, which is neither cordial nor secret. France took the alarm first, and gave it to the court of England. D'Avaux, the French ambassador, could no more give the court of France those advertisements that he was wont to send of all that passed in Holland. He had great allowances for entertaining agents, and spies, every where. But Louvois, who hated him, suggested that there was no more need of these; so they were stopped: and the ambassador was not sorry, that the court felt their error so sensibly. The king published the advertisements he had from France a little too rashly; for all people were much animated when they heard it from such a hand. The king soon saw his error; and, to correct it, he said on many occasions, that whatever the designs of the Dutch might be, he was sure they were not against him. It was given out sometimes, that they were against France, and then that they were against Denmark yet the king shewed he was not without his fears; for he ordered fourteen more ships to be put to sea, with many fire-ships. He recalled Strickland, and gave the command to the lord Dartmouth; who was indeed one of the worthiest men of his court: he loved him, and had been long in his service, and in his confidence; but he was much against all the conduct of his affairs: yet he resolved to stick to him at all hazards. The seamen came in slowly; and a heavy backwardness appeared in every thing.

A new and unlooked-for accident gave the king a very sensible trouble. It was resolved, as was told before, to model the army, and to begin with recruits from Ireland. Upon which the English army would have become insensibly an Irish one. The king made the first trial on the duke of Berwick's regiment, which being already under an illegal colonel, it might be supposed they were ready to submit to every thing. Five Irishmen were ordered to be put into every company of that regiment, which then lay at Portsmouth; but Beaumont, the lieutenant-colonel, and five of the captains, refused to receive them. They said, they had raised their men upon the duke of Monmouth's invasion, by which their zeal for the king's service did evidently appear. If the king would order any recruits, they doubted not, but that they should be able to make them: but they found it would give such an universal discontent, if they should receive the Irish among them, that it would put them out of a capacity of serving the king any more. But as the order was positive, so the duke of Berwick was sent down to see it obeyed. Upon which they desired leave to lay down their commissions. The king was provoked by this to such a degree, that he could not govern his passion. The officers were put in arrest, and brought before a council of war, where they were broken with reproach, and declared incapable to serve the king any more. But upon this occasion, the whole officers of the army declared so great an unwillingness to mix with those of another nation and religion, that, as no more attempts were made of this kind, so it was believed that this fixed the king in a point, that was then under debate.

The king of France, when he gave the king the advertisements of the preparations in Holland, offered him such a force as he should call for. Twelve, or fifteen, thousand were named, or as many more as he should desire. It was proposed, that they should land at Portsmouth, and that they should have that place to keep the communication with France open, and in their hands. All the priests were for this; so were most of the popish lords. The earl of Sunderland was the only man in credit that opposed it. He said, the offer of an army of forty thousand men might be a real strength; but then it would depend on the orders that came from France: they might perhaps master England; but they would become the king's

masters at the same time; so that he must govern under such orders as they should give; and thus he would quickly become only a viceroy to the king of France: any army less than that would lose the king the affections of his people, and drive his own army to desertion, if not to mutiny.

The king did not think matters were yet so near a crisis; so he did neither entertain the proposition, nor let it fall quite to the ground. There was a treaty set on foot, and the king was to have an hundred merchant ships, ready for the transportation of such forces as he should desire, which it was promised should be ready when called for. It is certain, that the French ambassador, then at London, who knew the court better than he did the nation, did believe, that the king would have been able to have made a greater division of the nation, than it proved afterwards he was able to do. He believed it would have gone to a civil war ; and that then the king would have been forced to have taken assistance from France on any terms; and so he encouraged the king of France to go on with his designs that winter, and he believed he might come in good time next year to the king's assistance. These advices proved fatal to the king, and to Barillon himself; for, when he was sent over to France, he was so ill looked on, that it was believed it had an ill effect on his health; for he died soon after.

Albeville came over fully persuaded that the Dutch designed the expedition against England, but played the minister so, that he took pains to infuse into all people that they designed no such thing; which made him to be generally laughed at. He was soon sent back; and, in a memorial he gave into the States, he asked, what was the design of those great and surprising preparations at such a season. The States, according to their slow forms, let this lie long before them, without giving it an answer.

The

But the court of France made a greater step. The French ambassador in a memorial told the States, that his master understood their design was against England, and in that case he signified to them, that there was such a strait alliance between him and the king of England, that he would look on every thing done against England, as an invasion of his own crown. This put the king and his ministers much out of countenance: for, upon some surmises of an alliance with France, they had very positively denied there was any such thing. Albeville did continue to deny it at the Hague, even after the memorial was put in. king did likewise deny it to the Dutch ambassador at London. And the blame of the putting it into the memorial was cast on Skelton, the king's envoy at Paris, who was disowned in it, and upon his coming over was put in the Tower for it. This was a short disgrace; for he was soon after made lieutenant of the Tower. His rash folly might have procured the order from the court of France, to own this alliance: he thought it would terrify the States, and so he pressed this officiously, which they easily granted. That related only to the owning it in so public a manner. But this did clearly prove, that such an alliance was made; otherwise no instances, how pressing soever, would have prevailed with the court of France to have owned it in so solemn a manner: for what ambassadors say in their master's name, when they are not immediately disowned, passes for authentic: so that it was a vain cavil that some made afterwards, when they asked, how was this alliance proved? The memorial was a full proof of it; and the shew of a disgrace on Skelton did not at all weaken that proof.

But I was more confirmed of this matter by what sir William Trumball, then the English ambassador at Constantinople, told me at his return to England. He was the most eminent of all our civilians, and was by much the best pleader in those courts, and was a learned, a diligent, and a virtuous man. He was sent envoy to Paris upon the lord Preston's being recalled. He was there when the edict that repealed the edict of Nantes was passed, and saw the violence of the persecution, and acted a great and worthy part in harbouring many, in covering their effects, and in conveying over their jewels and plate to England; which disgusted the court of France, and was not very acceptable to the court of England, though it was not then thought fit to disown or recall him for it *. He had orders to put in memo

* Sir William Trumball, the friend of Dryden and the early patron of Pope, is another instance that poverty is ever an excitement favourable to the development of

excellence. Straitened in his means when commencing life, he laboured with a diligence in his profession as a civilian that insured success. He was sent from the

rials, complaining of the invasion of the principality of Orange; which he did in so high a strain, that the last of them was like a denunciation of war. From thence he was sent to Turkey. And, about this time, he was surprised one morning by a visit that the French ambassador made him, without those ceremonies that pass between ambassadors. He told him, there was no ceremony to be between them any more, for their masters were now one. And he shewed him Monsieur de Croissy's letter, which was written in cipher. The deciphering he read to him, importing, that now an alliance was concluded between the two kings. So, this matter was as evidently proved, as a thing of such a nature could possibly be. The conduct of France at that time with relation to the States was very unaccountable, and proved as favourable to the prince of Orange's designs, as if he had directed it. All the manufacture of Holland, both linen and woollen, was prohibited in France. The importation of herrings was also prohibited, except they were cured with French salt. This was contrary to the treaty of commerce. The manufacture began to suffer much; and this was sensible to those who were concerned in the herring trade. So the States prohibited the importing of French wine, or brandy, till the trade should be set free again on both sides. There was nothing that the prince had more reason to apprehend, than that the French should have given the States some satisfaction in the point of trade, and offered some assurances with relation to the territory of Cologne. Many of the towns of Holland might have been wrought on by some temper in these things; great bodies being easily deceived, and not easily drawn into wars, which interrupt that trade which they subsist by. But the height the court of France was then in, made them despise all the world. They seemed rather to wish for a war, than to fear it. This disposed the States to an unanimous concurrence in the great resolutions that were now agreed on, of raising ten thousand men more, and of accepting thirteen thousand Germans, for whom the prince had, as was formerly mentioned, agreed with some of the princes of the empire. Amsterdam was at first cold in the matter; but they consented with the rest. Reports were given out that the French would settle a regulation of commerce, and that they would abandon the cardinal, and leave the affairs of Cologne to be settled by the laws of the empire. Expedients were also spoken of for accommodating the matter, by prince Clement's being admitted coadjutor, and by his having some of the strong places put in his hands. This was only given out to amuse.

But while these things were discoursed of at the Hague, the world was surprised with a manifesto set out, in the king of France's name, against the emperor. In it the emperor's ill designs against France were set forth. It also complained of the elector Palatine's injustice to the duchess of Orleans, in not giving her the succession that fell to her by her brother's death, which consisted in some lands, cannon, furniture, and other moveable goods. It also charged him with the disturbances in Cologne, he having intended first to gain that to one of his own sons, and then engaging the Bavarian prince into it; whose elder brother having no children, he hoped, by bringing him into an ecclesiastical state, to make the succession of Bavaria fall into his own family. It charged the emperor, likewise, with a design to force the electors to choose his son king of the Romans; and that the elector Palatine was pressing him to make peace with the Turks, in order to the turning his arms against France. By their means a great alliance was projected among many protestant princes to disturb cardinal Furstemberg in the possession of Cologne, to which he was postulated by the majority of the chapter. And this might turn to the prejudice of the catholic religion in that territory. Upon all these considerations, the king of France, seeing that his enemies could not enter into France by any other way but by that of Philipsburg, resolved to possess himself of it, and then to demolish it. He resolved also to take Kaisarslauter from the Palatine, and to keep it, till the duchess of Orleans had justice done her in her pretensions; and he also resolved to support the cardinal in his possession of Cologne. But, to balance this, he offered to the house of Bavaria, that prince Clement should be chosen coadjutor. He offered also to raise court of France to that of Turkey in 1687. William the Third continued him in this appointment, and then made him a commissioner of the navy, privy councillor, and 3ecretary of state. He represented Oxford university in parliament during 1695. He retired from public life to East Hamsted, in Berkshire, and, devoting his leisure to

literature, continued there until his death, which occurred in 1716, when he was seventy-eight. His letters are to be found among those of Pope and others. He also wrote a life of archbishop Dolben.-Gen. Biog. Dictionary; Noble's Continuation of Grainger.