they looked on all that was offered about the limiting this king in his power, as the gilding the pill: the assertors of those laws that made it necessary to have a king, would no sooner have one, than they would bring forth out of the same store house all that related to the power and prerogative of this king: therefore they would not hearken to any thing that was offered on that head, but rejected it with scorn. Many of them began openly to say, if we must have a king in consequence of so much law as was alleged, why should we not rather have that king to whom the law certainly pointed, than any other? The earl of Orrery told me, that, coming one day to Cromwell during those heats, and telling him he had been in the city all that day, Cromwell asked him what news he had heard there? The other answered, that he was told he was in treaty with the king, who was to be restored and to marry his daughter. Cromwell expressing no indignation at this, lord Orrery said, in the state to which things were brought, he saw not a better expedient: they might bring him in on what terms they pleased: and Cromwell might retain the same authority he then had with less trouble. Cromwell answered, "the king can never forgive his father's blood." Orrery said, he was one of many that were concerned in that, but he would be alone in the merit of restoring him. Cromwell replied, he is so damnably debauched he would undo us all; and so turned to another discourse without any emotion, which made Orrery conclude he had often thought of that expedient. Before the day in which he refused the offer of the kingship that was made to him by the parliament, he had kept himself on such a reserve that no man knew what answer he would give. It was thought more likely he would accept of it: but that which determined him to the contrary was, that, when he went down in the morning to walk in St. James's Park, Fleetwood and Desborough were waiting for him: the one had married his daughter, and the other his sister. With these he entered into much discourse on the subject, and argued for it he said, it was a tempting of God to expose so many worthy men to death and poverty, when there was a certain way to secure them. The others insisted still on the oaths they had taken. He said, these oaths were against the power and tyranny of kings, but not against the four letters that made the word king. In conclusion, they, believing from his discourse that he intended to accept of it, told him, they saw great confusions would follow on it: and as they could not serve him to set up the idol they had put down, and had sworn to keep down, so they would not engage in any thing against him, but would retire and look on. So they offered him their commissions, since they were resolved not to serve a king: he desired they would stay till they heard his answer. It was believed, that he, seeing two persons so near him ready to abandon him, concluded that many others would follow their example; and therefore thought it was too bold a venture. So he refused it, but accepted of the continuance of his protectorship. Yet, if he had lived out the next winter, as the debates were to have been brought on again, so it was generally thought he would have accepted of the offer. And it is yet a question what the effect of that would have been. Some have thought it would have brought on a general settlement, since the law and the ancient government were again to take place: others have fancied just the contrary, that it would have engaged the army, so that they would either have deserted the service, or have revolted from him, and perhaps have killed him in the first fray of the tumult. I will not determine which of these would have most probably happened. In these debates some of the cavalier party, or rather their children, came to bear some share. They were then all zealous commonwealths-men, according to the directions sent them from those about the king. Their business was to oppose Cromwell on all his demands, and so to weaken him at home, and expose him abroad. When some of the other party took notice of this great change, from being the abettors of prerogative to become the patrons of liberty, they pretended their education in the court and their obligation to it had engaged them that way; but now since that was out of doors, they had the common principles of human nature and the love of liberty in them. By this mean, as the old republicans assisted and protected them, so at the same time they strengthened the faction against Cromwell. But these very men at the restoration shook off this disguise, and reverted to their old principles for a high prerogative and absolute power. They said they were for liberty, when it was a mean to distress one who they thought had no right to govern; but when the government returned to its old channel, they were still as firm to all prerogative notions, and as great enemies to liberty as ever *. I go next to give an account of Cromwell's transactions with relation to foreign affairs. He laid it down for a maxim to spare no cost or charge in order to procure him intelligence. When he understood what dealers the Jews were every where in that trade that depends on news, the advancing money upon high or low interests in proportion to the risk they run, or *It appears probable, that the plan of raising Cromwell to the crown was supported by his enemies, as well as by some of his friends. The only plea urged by those who did not desire to establish a republic in the time of Charles I., and who yet opposed the government of this monarch, was that he infringed upon the liberties of the people, particularly upon the rights of parliament, and endeavoured to establish himself as an absolute king. I have elsewhere traced the progress of the civil struggle that ensued, a struggle that would probably have been longer shunned, and more temperately conducted by the partisans on each side, could they have foreseen that their course was leading to the tragedy of the high court of justice. An event among many others warning us to be temperate in our efforts for political change, and to beware who we unite with in striving for the desired reform. In that instance, a majority of the supporters of limited monarchy planted their forward footsteps by the side of the avowed republicans, and Hampden's motto was prophetic of the then determined fate of his party. Nulla vestigia retrorsum. There was indeed no retreat, the tide of change swept on; and they in vain endeavoured to check its progress; one barrier of the constitution gave way after another, until not one remained-and then succeeded the next bitter experience that constitutions are not the easy creations of a party-a tyrant had been removed, for Charles was a tyrant, not the less dangerous for being amiable in private life, and interesting, from being magnanimous in his seasons of sorrow-but to him succeeded a series of tyrants-the rump, the council of state, the protector Cromwell, were all deserving of that epithet, for, however differing in abilities, they were all as despotic, and all guilty of acts, as regardless of the liberties of the people, as ever were perpetrated by Charles, in his haughtiest and sternest moods. The temperate opponents of Charles I., therefore, were not inconsistent in endeavouring to restore the Stuarts to the throne. Even when the first Cromwell was in the zenith of his power, a deep under-plot was proceeding to obtain the restoration of the Stuart family. Open opposition of every kind, short of war, had been tried to prevent Cromwell obtaining supreme power, but he had the army to back him in his resolutions, and he had swept away all open opposition-he was king in every circumstance but the name. With the ignorant there is much in a mere name, and the friends of the Stuarts appear to have endeavoured to have availed themselves of this prejudice with consummate sagacity. They now endeavoured to persuade Cromwell to adopt the title of king. He was within a step of the trap, and was not saved from it by his own penetration. It is not to be supposed that all who supported this measure were actuated by the same motive, for many, beyond a doubt, were its advocates in the hope of furthering their own ambition by such an event. Such a character was sir Christopher Pack, who, when lord mayor of London in 1655, was knighted by Cromwell. He was very far from an immaculate character if the statements of some adverse annalists are to be credited. They charge him with embezzling the subscriptions raised for the relief of the Piedmont protestants; and with being a defaulter in his accounts as a commissioner of the excise. They add that Cromwell sheltered him from the con sequences of these crimes upon the condition that he proposed his assumption of the royal title to the House of Commons". Pack now was one of the representatives of the city, and the wishes of the metropolis had then much greater weight than they have now. This assertion is rendered more probable by the cer tainty since established, that not only secretary Thurloe, the sagacious and trusty adviser of the protector, but the family of the protector, and the protector himself, all favoured the measuret. The resolution to petition Cromwell to assume the title of king was carried in the House of Commons by majorities more than doubling the number of those who opposed it. It was to have been proposed by Mr. Whitelocke, but he says, that not approving some of its passages, ho declined the undertaking, and that "to gain honour," it was brought forward by sir Christopher ‡. The petition was presented to the protector on the 31st of March, 1657, and during more than five weeks he continued to hold protracted conferences with the committee the house had appointed to be its representatives. Members of that committee were Mr. Whitelocke and Lord Broghill §, both of whom were subsequently favoured by Charles II.; and of the others, the chief justices St. John and Glynn, sir Charles Wolseley, sir Richard Onslow, Mr. Lenthall, Mr. Nathaniel Fiennes, Colonel Philip, Mr. Jones, and Mr. Lisle, not one, except the last, had any concern in the condemnation of Charles I.; and even Mr. Lisle did not consent to this monarch's execution []. These then who persuaded Cromwell to become king were not the extreme opponents of the Stuarts: whether they intended to promote the restoration by this proposition cannot be now absolutely determined, but other authorities agree that none were forwarder in supporting it, than some who had always been reputed faithful to the king, and wishers for his restoration, and that many of them thought this measure would promote it, for they believed that the army, and the whole nation, would then incline, rather to maintain a legitimate monarch, than one whose hypocrisy would by this means be rendered so glaring.¶ Numerous were the audiences between Cromwell and the committee-he was evidently willing to be convinced, and had actually announced his resolution to accede to the proposal to some of his friends; according to Wellwood the crown was actually made, and brought to Whitehall, when the army announcing to the parliament, that "they had hazarded their lives against monarchy, and were still ready to do so," was a hint that Cromwell thought it *Heath's Chronicle, 386. A Narrative of the late Parliament, by a friend of the Commonwealth, 17. Sir Christopher was summoned by Cromwell to sit among his peers, or, as they were termed, "the other house."(Thurloe's State Papers, &c.) +Thurloe's State Papers, vi. 281, 292, 310. Whitelock's Memorials, 646. Ludlow's Memoirs, ii. 583, &c. Wellwood's Memoirs, by Maseres, 102. Memorials, 647. § Afterwards earl of Orrery. Parl. Hist. xxi. 65-95. Clarendon's Hist. of Rebel. iii., 461, fol. ed. Morrices's Memoirs of Roger Earl of Orrery, cap. 5. the gain to be made as the times might turn, and in the buying and selling of the actions of money so advanced, he, more upon that account than in compliance with the principle of toleration, brought a company of them over to England, and gave them leave to build a synagogue. All the while that he was negociating this, they were sure and good spies for him, especially with relation to Spain and Portugal. The earl of Orrery told me, he was once walking with him in one of the galleries of Whitehall, and a man almost in rags came in view. he presently dismissed lord Orrery, and carried that man into his closet; who brought their army him an account of a great sum of money that the Spaniards were sending over to pay in Flanders, but in a Dutch man of war: and he told him the places of the ship in which the money was lodged. Cromwell sent an express immediately to Smith, afterwards sir Jeremy Smith, who lay in the Downs, telling him that within a day or two, such a Dutch ship would pass the Channel, whom he must visit for the Spanish money, which was contraband goods, we being then in war with Spain. So when the ship passed by Dover, Smith sent and demanded leave to search him. The Dutch captain answered, none but his masters might search him. Smith sent him word, he had set up an hour-glass, and if before that was run out he did not submit to the search, he would force it. The captain saw it was in vain to struggle, and so all the money was found. Next time that Cromwell saw Orrery he told him, he had his intelligence from that contemptible man he saw him go to some days before. He had on all occasions very good intelligence: he knew every thing that passed in the king's little court: and yet none of his spies were discovered, but one only. The greatest difficulty on him in his foreign affairs was, what side to choose, France or Spain. The prince of Conde was then in the Netherlands with a great many protestants about him. He set the Spaniards on making great steps towards the gaining Cromwell into their interests. Spain ordered their ambassador to compliment him: he was esteemed one of their ablest men: his name was Don Alonzo de Cardenas: he offered that if Cromwell would join with them, they would engage themselves to make no peace till he should recover dangerous to neglect, and he then finally announced, that "he could not undertake the government with the title of King." The army, be it observed, did not perceive his despotism under the title of Lord Protector. The same year gave birth to another plan for the restoration of the Stuart family, by uniting it to that of Cromwell. Lord Broghill was equally in favour with both families, and though he continued to serve under the latter, there is no doubt he would rather have acted under a duly hereditary monarchy, and that he continued to serve as a public man because he believed, and believed correctly, that he could benefit his country. Being thus trusted, he had occasional opportunities of corresponding secretly with persons who were with Charles II. on the continent, and through them inquired of that prince whether he would object to marry the lady Frances, Cromwell's youngest daughter. His answer was favourable, and he was desired to promote the match by all the means in his power. Thus sanctioned, he acquainted the wife and daughter of Cromwell with the project, and finding them equally agreeable, he caused a rumour of it to be dispersed in the eity, and upon his return thence, proceeded to an interview in private with Cromwell. Upon joining him the protector inquired "where he had been?" and then, "what news there was?" Lord Broghill replied, " very strange news,' and upon Cromwell's earnest inquiry for particulars, and promising not to be offended, proceeded jocularly to tell him that "it was rumoured he was going to marry his daughter Frances to the king." "And what," said Cromwell merrily, "what do the fools think of it ?" "All like it," rejoined lord Broghill, “and think it the wisest thing you could do, if you could accomplish it." do you believe so too?" said Cromwell pausing; and upon being assured he did, the protector resumed his walk to and fro in the room with his hands behind him for some time, and then asked his lordship "what reasons he had for his opinion?" Lord Broghill then reminded him how "And little he could confide in his own party, who were always ready to express their discontent, and to unite to degrade him, as they had to exalt him; and that if he preserved his station for life, he could not expect to transmit it to his posterity; that on the other hand, the king, exiled and reduced in circumstances, would make him general of all the forces for life, or such other terms as he might stipulate. The loyalists would readily support this plan; and as his daughter would probably be the mother of a family, he would thereby be endeared to, and strengthen his interest both with the king and the nation. He would have the king for his son-in-law; his grandchild, heir apparent to the crown; and the power of the kingdom under his command. Cromwell listened to these reasons with deep attention; and when his lordship had finished, resumed his pacing of the room for a few minutes in silence-and then observed, "the king will never forgive me the death of his father." Lord Broghill suggested that some one might be employed to ascertain the king's sentiments, and offered himself to be the mediator. He also observed, that he, Cromwell, was but one in the execution of the late king, but that he would have the sole merit of restoring the present. But Cromwell repeated with more emphasis, "the king cannot, and will not, forgive the death of his father," and adding some remark upon his immorality, and that he would ruin their party, positively refused to assent to the plan. Cromwell's wife and daughter subsequently exerted The latter married a few their influence, but in vain *. months subsequently to a son of Lord Rich, Cromwell giving her 15,000l. as a fortune.-Thurloe's State Papers, vi. • Morrice's Life and State Papers of the earl of Orrery, 21. Mr. Morrice was his lordship's chaplain, and Burnet says he had the relation from the earl himself. Calais again to England. This was very agreeable to Cromwell, who thought it would recommend him much to the nation, if he could restore that town again to the English empire, after it had been a hundred years in the hands of the French. Mazarin hearing of this sent one over to negociate with him, but at first without a character: and, to outbid the Spaniard, he offered to assist Cromwell to take Dunkirk, which was a place of much more importance. The prince of Condé sent over likewise to offer Cromwell to turn protestant; and, if he would give him a fleet with good troops, he would make a descent in Guienne, where he did not doubt but that he should be assisted by the protestants; and that he should so distress France, as to obtain such conditions for them, and for England, as Cromwell himself should dictate. Upon this offer Cromwell sent Stoupe round all France to talk with their most eminent men, to see into their strength, into their present disposition, the oppressions they lay under, and their inclinations to trust the prince of Condé. He went from Paris down the Loire, then to Bourdeaux, from thence to Montauban, and across the south of France to Lyons: he was instructed to talk to them only as a traveller, and to assure them of Cromwell's zeal and care for them, which he magnified every where. The protestants were then very much at their ease: for Mazarin, who thought of nothing but to enrich his family, took care to maintain the edicts better than they had been in any time formerly. So Stoupe returned, and gave Cromwell an account of the ease they were then in, and of their resolution to be quiet. They had a very bad opinion of the prince of Condé, as a man who sought nothing but his own greatness, to which they believed that he was ready to sacrifice all his friends, and every cause that he espoused. This settled Cromwell as to that particular. He also found that the cardinal had such spies on that prince, that he knew every message that had passed between them: therefore he would have no farther correspondence with him: he said upon that to Stoupe, stultus est, et garrulus, et venditur à suis cardinali. That which determined him afterwards in the choice was this: he found the parties grew so strong against him at home, that he saw if the king or his brother were assisted by France with an army of Huguenots to make a descent in England, which was threatened if he should join with Spain, this might prove very dangerous to him, who had so many enemies at home and so few friends. This particular consideration, with relation to himself, made great impression on him; for he knew the Spaniards could give those princes no strength, nor had they any protestant subjects to assist them in any such design. Upon this occasion king James told me, that among other prejudices he had at the protestant religion this was one, that both his brother and himself, being in many companies in Paris incognito, where they met many protestants, he found they were all alienated from them, and were great admirers of Cromwell : so he believed they were all rebels in their heart. I answered, that foreigners were no other way concerned in the quarrels of their neighbours, than to see who could or would assist them: the coldness they had seen formerly in the court of England with relation to them, and the zeal which was then expressed, must naturally make them depend on one that seemed resolved to protect them. As the negociation went on between France and England, Cromwell would have the king and his brother dismissed the kingdom. Mazarin consented to this; for he thought it more honourable that the French king should send them away of his own accord, than that it should be done pursuant to an article with Cromwell. Great excuses were made for doing it: they had some money given them, and were sent away loaded with promises of constant supplies that were never meant to be performed: and they retired to Cologne; for the Spaniards were not yet out of hope of gaining Cromwell. But when that vanished, they invited them to Brussels, and they settled great appointments on them, in their way, which was always to promise much, how little soever they could perform. They also settled a pay for such of the subjects of the three kingdoms as would come and serve under our princes: but few came, except from Ireland: of these some regiments were formed. But though this gave them a great and lasting interest in our court, especially in king James's, yet they did not much to deserve it. Before king Charles left Paris he changed his religion, but by whose persuasion is not yet known only cardinal de Retz was in the secret, and lord Aubigny had a great hand in it. It was kept a great secret. Chancellor Hyde had some suspicion of it, but would never suffer himself to believe it quite. Soon after the restoration that cardinal came over in disguise, and had an audience of the king: what passed is not known. The first ground I had to believe it was this: The marquis de Roucy, who was the man of the greatest family in France that continued protestant to the last, was much pressed by that cardinal to change his religion: he was his kinsman and his particular friend. Among other reasons one that he urged was, that the protestant religion must certainly be ruined, and that they could expect no protection from England, for to his certain knowledge both the princes were already changed. Roucy told this in great confidence to his minister, who after his death sent an advertisement of it to myself. Sir Allen Broderick, a great confidant of the chancellor's, who, from being very atheistical, became in the last years of his life an eminent penitent, as he was a man of great parts, with whom I had lived long in great confidence, on his death-bed sent me likewise an account of this matter, which he believed was done in Fontainebleau, before king Charles was sent to Cologne. As for king James, it seems he was not reconciled at that time: for he told me, that being in a monastery in Flanders, a nun desired him to pray every day that, if he was not in the right way, God would bring him into it. and he said, the impression these words made on him never left him till he changed. To return to Cromwell: while he was balancing in his mind what was fit for him to do, Gage, who had been a priest, came over from the West Indies, and gave him such an account of the feebleness as well as of the wealth of the Spaniards in those parts, as made him conclude that it would be both a great and an easy conquest to seize on their dominions. By this he reckoned he would be supplied with such a treasure, that his government would be established before he should need to have any recourse to a parliament for money. Spain would never admit of a peace with England between the tropics: so he was in a state of war with them as to those parts, even before he declared war in Europe. He upon that equipped a fleet with a force sufficient, as he hoped, to have seized Hispaniola and Cuba. And Gage had assured him, that success in that expedition would make all the rest fall into his hands. Stoupe, being on another occasion called to his closet, saw him one day very intent in looking on a map, and in measuring distances. Stoupe saw it was a map of the Bay of Mexico, and observed who printed it. So, there being no discourse upon that subject, Stoupe went next day to the printer to buy the map. The printer denied he had printed it. Stoupe affirmed he had seen it. Then, he said, it must be only in Cromwell's hand; for he only had some of the prints, and had given him a strict charge to sell none till he had leave given him. So Stoupe perceived there was a design that way. And when the time of setting out the fleet came on, all were in a gaze whither it was to go: some fancied it was to rob the church of Loretto, which did occasion a fortification to be drawn round it: others talked of Rome itself; for Cromwell's preachers had this often in their mouths, that if it were not for the divisions at home, he would go and sack Babylon: others talked of Cadiz, though he had not yet broken with the Spaniards. The French could not penetrate into the secret. Cromwell had not finished his alliance with them: so he was not bound to give them an account of the expedition. All he said upon it was, that he sent out the fleet to guard the seas, and to restore England to its dominion on that element. Stoupe happened to say in a company, he believed the design was on the West Indies. The Spanish ambassador hearing that, sent for him very privately, to ask him upon what ground he said it; and he offered to lay down 10,000l. if he could make any discovery of that. Stoupe owned to me, he had a great mind to the money; and fancied he betrayed nothing if he did discover the grounds of these conjectures, since nothing had been trusted to him: but he expected greater matters from Cromwell, and so kept the secret; and said only, that in a diversity of conjectures that seemed to him more probable than any others. But the ambassador made no account of that; nor did he think it worth the writing to Don John then at Brussels, about it. Stoupe wrote it over as his conjecture to one about the prince of Condé, who, at first hearing it, was persuaded that must be the design, and went next day to suggest it to Don John: but Don John relied so much on the ambassador, that this made no impression. And indeed all the ministers whom he employed knew that they were not to disturb him with troublesome news: of which king Charles told a pleasant story. One whom Don John was sending to some court in Germany coming to the king to ask his commands, he desired him only to E |