their lives to help him to a crown, he should be concerned for accommodation. He was sent back with good words and a few kind letters. In the end of the year 1654 Morgan marched into the Highlands, and had a small engagement with Middletoun, which broke that whole matter, of which all people were grown weary; for they had no prospect of success, and the low-countries were so over-run with robberies on the pretence of going to assist the Highlanders, that there was an universal joy at the dispersing of that little unruly army.

After this the country was kept in great order: some castles in the Highlands had garrisons put in them, that were so careful in their discipline, and so exact to their rules, that in no time the Highlands were kept in better order than during the usurpation. There was a considerable force of about 7 or 8000 men kept in Scotland: these were paid exactly, and strictly disciplined. The pay of the army brought so much money into the kingdom, that it continued all that while in a very flourishing state. Cromwell built three citadels at Leith, Ayr, and Inverness, besides many little forts. There was good justice done, and vice was suppressed and punished; so that we always reckon those eight years of usurpation a time of great peace and prosperity. There was also a sort of union of the three kingdoms in one parliament, where Scotland had its representative. The marquis of Argyle went up one of our commissioners.

The next scene I must open relates to the church, and the heats raised in it by the public resolutions, and the protestation made against them. New occasions of dispute arose. A general assembly was in course to meet; and sat at St. Andrews: so the commission of the kirk wrote a circular letter to all the presbyteries, setting forth all the grounds of their resolutions, and complaining of those who had protested against them; upon which they desired that they would choose none of those who adhered to the protestation to represent them in the next assembly. This was only an advice, and had been frequently practised in the former years but now it was highly complained of, as a limitation on the freedom of elections, which inferred a nullity on all their proceedings: so the protestors renewed their protestation against the meeting upon a higher point, disowning that authority which hitherto they had magnified as the highest tribunal in the church, in which they thought Christ was in his throne. Upon this a great debate followed, and many books were written in a course of several years. The public men said, this was the destroying of presbytery, if the lesser number did not submit to the greater: it was a sort of prelacy, if it was pretended that votes ought rather to be weighed than counted: parity was the essence of their constitution: and in this all people saw they had clearly the better of the argument. The protestors urged for themselves, that, since all protestants rejected the pretence of infallibility, the major part of the church might fall into errors, in which case the lesser number could not be bound to submit to them: they complained of the many corrupt clergymen who were yet among them, who were leavened with the old leaven, and did on all occasions show what was still at heart notwithstanding all their outward compliance: (for the episcopal clergy that had gone into the covenant and presbytery to hold their livings, struck in with great heat to inflame the controversy and it appeared very visibly that presbytery, if not held in order by the civil power, could not be long kept in quiet:) if in the Supreme Court of Judicature the majority did not conclude the matter, it was not possible to keep up their beloved parity: it was confessed that in doctrinal points the lesser number was not bound to submit to the greater ; but in the matters of mere government it was impossible to maintain the presbyterian form on any other bottom.

As this debate grew hot, and they were ready to break out into censures on both sides, some were sent down from the commonwealth of England to settle Scotland: of these sir Henry Vane was one. The resolutioners were known to have been more in the king's interest: so they were not so kindly looked on as the protestors. Some of the English junta moved, that pains should be taken to unite the two parties. But Vane opposed this with much zeal: he said, would they heal the wound that they had given themselves, which weakened them so much? The setting them at quiet could have no other effect, but to heal and unite them in their opposition to their authority: he therefore moved, that they might be left at liberty to fight out their own quarrels, and be kept in a greater dependence on the

temporal authority, when both sides were forced to make their appeal to it: so it was resolved to suffer them to meet still in their presbyteries and synods, but not in general assemblies, which had a greater face of union and authority.

This advice was followed: so the division went on. Both sides studied when any church became vacant to get a man of their own party to be chosen to succeed in the election: and upon these occasions many tumults happened: in some of them stones were thrown, and many were wounded, to the great scandal of religion. In all these disputes the protestors were the fiercer side: for being less in number they studied to make that up with their fury. In one point they had the other at a great advantage, with relation to their new masters, who required them to give over praying for the king. The protestors were weary of doing it, and submitted very readily: but the others stood out longer; and said, it was a duty lying on them by the covenant, so they could not let it fall. Upon that the English council set out an order, that such as should continue to pray for the king should be denied the help of law to recover their tithes, or as they called them their stipends. This touched them in a sensible point : but, that they might not seem to act upon the civil authority, they did enact it in their presbyteries, that since all duties did not oblige at all times, therefore, considering the present juncture, in which the king could not protect them, they resolved to discontinue that piece of duty. This exposed them to much censure, since such a carnal consideration as the force of law for their benefices, (which all regard but too much, though few will own it,) seemed to be that which determined them.

This great breach among them being rather encouraged than suppressed by those who were in power, all the methods imaginable were used by the protestors to raise their credit among the people. They preached often, and very long; and seemed to carry their devotions to a greater sublimity than others did. Their constant topic was, the sad defection and corruption of the judicatories of the church, and they often proposed several expedients for purging it. The truth was, they were more active, and their performances were livelier, than those of the public men*. They were in nothing more singular than in their communions. In many places the sacrament was discontinued for several years; where they thought the magistracy, or the more eminent of the parish, were engaged in what they called the defection, which was much more looked at than scandal given by bad lives. But where the greatest part was more sound, they gave the sacrament with a new and unusual solemnity. On the Wednesday before they held a fast day with prayers and sermons for about eight or ten hours together: on the Saturday they had two or three preparation sermons; and on the Lord's day they had so very many, that the action continued above twelve hours in some places; and all ended with three or four sermons on Monday for thanksgiving. A great many ministers were brought together from several parts; and high pretenders would have gone forty or fifty miles to a noted communion. The crowds were far beyond the capacity of their churches, or the reach of their voices: so at the same time they had sermons in two or three different places: and all was performed with great show of zeal. They had stories of many signal conversions that were wrought on these occasions.

It is scarce credible what an effect this had among the people, to how great a measure of knowledge they were brought, and how readily they could pray extempore, and talk of divine matters. All this tended to raise the credit of the protestors. The resolutioners tried to imitate them in these practices: but they were not thought so spiritual, nor so ready at them so the others had the chief following. When the judicatories of the church were near an equality of the men of both sides, there were perpetual janglings among them: at last they proceeded to deprive men of both sides, as they were the majority in the judicatories: but because the possession of the church, and the benefice, was to depend on the orders of the temporal courts, both sides made their application to the privy council that Cromwell had set up in Scotland: and they were by them referred to Cromwell himself. So they sent deputies up to London. The protestors went in great numbers: they came nearer both to the principles and to the temper that prevailed in the army: so they were looked on as the better men, on whom, by reason of the first rise of the difference, the government

• The meaning must be, by public men, those who acted pursuant to the resolutions of the general assemblies, in whom the public authority of the kirk was then vested by law.-(Note by the Author's Son.)

might more certainly depend: whereas the others were considered as king's interests.

more in the The resolutioners sent up one James Sharp, who had been long in England, and was an active and eager man: he had a very small proportion of learning, and was but an indifferent preacher: but having some acquaintance with the presbyterian ministers at London, whom Cromwell was then courting much, by reason of their credit in the city, he was, by an error that proved fatal to the whole party, sent up in their name to London; where he continued for some years soliciting their concerns, and making himself known to all sorts of people. He seemed more than ordinarily zealous for presbytery. And, as Cromwell was then designing to make himself king, Dr. Wilkins told me he often said to him, no temporal government could have a sure support without a national church that adhered to it, and he thought England was capable of no constitution but episcopacy, to which, he told me, he did not doubt but Cromwell would have turned, as soon as the design of his kingship was settled. Upon this Wilkins spoke to Sharp, that it was plain by their breach, that presbytery could not be managed so as to maintain order among them, and that an episcopacy must be brought in to settle them but Sharp could not bear the discourse, and rejected it with horror*. I have dwelt longer on this matter, and opened it more fully than was necessary, if I had not thought that this may have a good effect on the reader, and show him how impossible it is in a parity to maintain peace and order, if the magistrate does not interpose: and if he does, that will be cried out upon by the zealots of both sides, as abominable erastianism.

From these matters I go next to set down some particulars that I knew concerning Cromwell, that I have not yet seen in books. Some of these I had from the earls of Carlisle and Orrery: the one had been the captain of his guards; and the other had been the president of his council in Scotland. But he from whom I learned the most was Stouppe, a Grison by birth, then minister of the French church in the Savoy, and afterwards a brigadier-general in the French armies ; a man of intrigue, but of no virtue; he adhered to the protestant religion as to outward appearance: he was much trusted by Cromwell in foreign affairs; in which Cromwell was often at a loss, and having no foreign language, but the little Latin that stuck to him from his education, which he spoke very viciously and scantily, had not the necessary means of informing himself.

When Cromwell first assumed the government, he had three great parties of the nation all against him, the episcopal, the presbyterian, and the republican party. The last was the most set on his ruin, looking on him as the person that had perfidiously broke the House of Commons, and was setting up for himself. He had none to rely on but the army; yet that enthusiastic temper, that he had taken so much pains to raise among them, made them very intractable: many of the chief officers were broken, and imprisoned by him; and he flattered the rest the best he could. He went on in his old way of long and dark discourses, sermons, and prayers. As to the cavalier party, he was afraid both of assassination and other plottings from them. As to the former of these he took a method that proved very effectual: he said often and openly, that in a war it was necessary to return upon any side all the violent things that any of the one side did to the other: this was done for preventing greater mischief, and for bringing men to fair war; therefore, he said, assassinations were such detestable things, that he would never begin them: but if any of the king's party should endeavour to assassinate him, and fail in it, he would make an assassinating war of it, and destroy the whole family and he pretended he had instruments to execute it, whensoever he should give order for it. The terror of this was a better security to him than his guards. The other as to their plottings was the more dangerous. But he understood that one sir Richard Willis was chancellor Hyde's chief confidant, to whom he wrote often, and to whom all the party submitted, looking on him as an able and wise man in whom they confided absolutely. So he found a way to talk with him: he said, he did not intend to hurt any of the party his design was rather to save them from ruin: they were apt after their : cups to

:

He soon after accepted the archbishopric of St. Andrews, and became one of the severest persecutors of the presbyterians.

"For renegadoes, who ne'er turn by halves,

Are bound in conscience to be double knaves."

run into foolish and ill-concerted plots, which signified nothing but to ruin those who engaged in them: he knew they consulted him in every thing: all he desired of him was to know all their plots, that he might so disconcert them that none might ever suffer for them: if he clapt any of them up in prison, it should only be for a little time; and they should be interrogated only about some trifling discourse, but never about the business they had been engaged in. He offered Willis whatever he would accept of, and to give it when or as he pleased. He durst not ask or take above 2007. a year. None was trusted with this but his secretary Thurloe, who was a very dexterous man at getting intelligence.

Thus Cromwell had all the king's party in a net. He let them dance in it at pleasure : and upon occasions clapt them up for a short while but nothing was ever discovered that hurt any of them. In conclusion, after Cromwell's death, Willis continued to give notice of every thing to Thurloe. At last, when the plot was laid among the cavaliers for a general insurrection, the king was desired to come over to that which was to be raised in Sussex: he was to have landed near Chichester, all by Willis's management: and a snare was laid for him, in which he would probably have been caught, if Morland, Thurloe's under-secretary, who was a prying man, had not discovered the correspondence between his master and Willis, and warned the king of his danger. Yet it was not easy to persuade those who had trusted Willis so much, and who thought him faithful in all respects, to believe that he could be guilty of so black a treachery: so Morland's advertisement was looked on as an artifice to create jealousy. But he, to give a full conviction, observed where the secretary laid some letters of advice, on which he saw he relied most, and getting the key of that cabinet in his hand to seal a letter with a seal that hung to it, he took the impression of it in wax, and got a key to be made from it, by which he opened the cabinet, and sent over some of the most important of those letters. The hand was known, and this artful but black treachery was discovered; so the design of the rising was laid aside. Sir George Booth having engaged at the same time to raise a body in Cheshire, two several messengers were sent to him to let him know the design could not be executed at the time appointed: but both these persons were suspected by some garrisons through which they must pass, as giving no good account of themselves in a time of jealousy, and were so long stopped, that they could not give him notice in time: so he very gallantly performed his part: but not being seconded he was soon crushed by Lambert. Thus Willis lost the merit of great and long services. This was one of Cromwell's masterpieces *.

As for the presbyterians, they were so apprehensive of the fury of the commonwealth party, that they thought it a deliverance to be rescued out of their hands: many of the republicans began to profess deism: and almost all of them were for destroying all clergymen, and for breaking every thing that looked like the union of a national church. They were for pulling down the churches, for discharging the tithes, and for leaving religion free, as they called it, without either encouragement or restraint. Cromwell assured the presbyterians, he would maintain a public ministry with all due encouragement; and he joined them in a commission with some independents, to be the triers of all those who were to be admitted to benefices. These disposed also of all the churches that were in the gift of the crown, of the bishops, and of the cathedral churches: so this softened them.

He studied to divide the commonwealth party among themselves, and to set the fifth-monarchy men and the enthusiasts against those who pretended to little or no religion, and acted only upon the principles of civil liberty; such as Algernon Sidney, Henry Nevill, Martin, Wildman, and Harrington. The fifth-monarchy men seemed to be really on expectation every day when Christ should appear: John Goodwin headed these, who first brought in Armi

Clarendon confirms the narrative of sir Richard Willis's treachery, in every particular. He had faithfully served the king's father, and had always met with his approbation, except in declining to be removed from the governorship of Newark to the command of the king's guard; a refusal that Clarendon states enough to show would have been very excusable at any time but during such a civil contest as was then at its height. He was a gentleman of good family, high courage, and talented, both in civil and military affairs, and entirely unsuspected

by the king and his friends. The plans of the marquis of Ormond, and of others who favoured the royalist cause, were thwarted in ways that seemed inexplicable, suspicions were aroused, confidence was destroyed among the king's friends, and yet no open discovery of their plots was ever attempted. Willis must have bargained that no blood should be shed in consequence of his discoveries.—(Hist. of Rebellion, iii. 523, &c. fol. ed.; Sir Philip Warwick's Memoirs, 288.)

nianism among the sectaries, for he was for liberty of all sorts. Cromwell hated that doctrine : for his beloved notion was, that once a child of God was always a child of God: now he had led a very strict life for above eight years together before the war: so he comforted himself much with his reflections on that time, and on the certainty of perseverance. But none of the preachers were so thorough paced for him, as to temporal matters, as Goodwin was; for he not only justified the putting the king to death, but magnified it as the most glorious action men were capable of. He filled all people with such expectation of a glorious thousand years speedily to begin, that it looked like a madness possessing them.

All the lawyers, chiefly Glyn, They said, no new government for such a form as should be

It was no easy thing for Cromwell to satisfy those, when he took the power into his own hands; since that looked like a step to kingship, which Goodwin had long represented as the great Anti-christ, that hindered Christ's being set on his throne. To these he said, and, as some have told me, with many tears, that he would rather have taken a shepherd's staff than the protectorship, since nothing was more contrary to his genius than a show of greatness: but he saw it was necessary at that time to keep the nation from falling into extreme disorder, and from becoming open to the common enemy: and, therefore, he only stepped in between the living and the dead, as he phrased it, in that interval, till God should direct them on what bottom they ought to settle: and he assured them, that then he would surrender the heavy load lying upon him, with a joy equal to the sorrow with which he was affected while under that show of dignity. To men of this stamp he would enter into the terms of their old equality, shutting the door, and making them sit down covered by him, to let them see how little he valued those distances, that for form sake he was bound to keep up with others. These discourses commonly ended in a long prayer. Thus with much ado, he managed the republican enthusiasts. The other republicans he called the heathens, and professed he could not so easily work upon them. He had some chaplains of all sorts: and he begun in his latter years to be gentler towards those of the church of England. They had their meetings in several places about London without any disturbance from him. In conclusion, even the papists courted him: and he with great dissimulation carried things with all sorts of people farther than was thought possible, considering the difficulties he met with in all his parliaments: but it was generally believed that his life and all his arts were exhausted at once, and that if he had lived much longer he could not have held things together. The debates came on very high for setting up a king. Maynard, Fountain, and St. John, were vehemently for this. could be settled legally but by a king, who should pass bills agreed on. Till then all they did was like building upon sand: still men were in danger of a revolution and in that case all that had been done would be void of itself, as contrary to a law yet in being and not repealed. Till that was done, every man that had been concerned in the war, and in the blood that was shed, chiefly the king's, was still obnoxious: and no warrants could be pleaded, but what were founded on or approved of by a law passed by king, lords, and commons. They might agree to trust this king as much as they pleased, and to make his power determine as soon as they pleased, so that he should be a felo de se, and consent to an act, if need were, of extinguishing both name and thing for ever. And as no man's person was safe till that was done, so they said all the grants and sales that had been made were null and void: all men that had gathered or disposed of the public money were for ever accountable. In short, this point was made out beyond the possibility of answering it, except upon enthusiastic principles. But by that sort of men all this was called a mistrusting of God, and a trusting to the arm of flesh: they had gone out, as they said, in the simplicity of their hearts to fight the Lord's battles, to whom they had made the appeal : he had heard them and appeared for them, and now they could trust him no longer: they had pulled down monarchy with the monarch, and would they now build that up which they had destroyed? They had solemnly vowed to God to be true to the commonwealth, without a king or kingship: and under that vow, as under a banner, they had fought and prevailed: but now they must be secure, and in order to that go back to Egypt: they thought it was rather a happiness that they were still under a legal danger: this might be a mean to make them more cautious and diligent if kings were invaders of God's right, and usurpers upon men's liberties, why must they have recourse to such a wicked engine? Upon these grounds they stood out: and

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