king at the Hague. The violent party in Scotland were for breaking off the treaty upon it, though by the date of lord Montrose's commission it appeared to have been granted before the treaty was begun: but it was carried not to recall their commissioners: nor could the king on the other hand be prevailed on by his own court to send them away, upon this cruelty to a man who had acted by his commission, and yet was so used. The treaty was quickly concluded: the king was in no condition to struggle with them, but yielded to all their demands, of taking the covenant, and suffering none to be about him but such as took it. He sailed home to Scotland with some Dutch men of war, with which the prince of Orange furnished him, with all the stock of money and arms that his credit could raise. That indeed would not have been very great, if the prince of Orange had not joined his own to it. The duke of Hamilton and the earl of Lauderdale were suffered to go home with him: but soon after his landing an order came to put them from him. The king complained of this: but Duke Hamilton at parting told him, he must prepare for things of a harder digestion: he said, at present he could do him no service: the marquis of Argyle was then in absolute credit: therefore he desired that he would study to gain him, and give him no cause of jealousy on his account. This king Charles told me himself, as a part of duke Hamilton's character. The duke of Buckingham took all the ways possible to gain lord Argyle and the ministers: only his dissolute course of life was excessive scandalous; which to their great reproach they connived at, because he advised the king to put himself wholly into their hands. The king wrought himself into as grave a deportment as he could: he heard many prayers and sermons, some of a great length. I remember in one fast day there were six sermons preached without intermission. I was there myself, and not a little weary of so tedious a service. The king was not allowed so much as to walk abroad on Sundays: and if at any time there had been any gaiety at court, such as dancing or playing at cards, he was severely reproved for it. This was managed with so much rigour, and so little discretion, that it contributed not a little to beget in him an aversion to all sort of strictness in religion. All that had acted on his father's side were ordered to keep at a great distance from him, and because the common people showed some affection to the king, the crowds that pressed to see him were also kept off from coming about him. Cromwell was not idle; but seeing the Scots were calling home their king, and knowing that from thence he might expect an invasion into England, he resolved to prevent them, and so marched into Scotland with his army. The Scots brought together a very good army: the king was suffered to come once to see it, but not to stay in it; for they were afraid he might gain too much upon the soldiers; so he was sent away.

The army was indeed one of the best that ever Scotland had brought together; but it was ill commanded for all that had made defection from their cause, or that were thought indifferent as to either side, which they called detestable neutrality, were put out of commission. The preachers thought it an army of saints, and seemed well assured of success. They drew near Cromwell, who being pressed by them retired towards Dunbar, where his ships and provisions lay. The Scots followed him, and were posted on a hill about a mile from thence, where there was no attacking them. Cromwell was then in great distress, and looked on himself as undone. There was no marching towards Berwick, the ground was too narrow: nor could he come back into the country without being separated from his ships, and starving his army. The least evil seemed to be to kill his horses, and put his army on board, and sail back to Newcastle; which, in the disposition that England was in at that time, would have been all their destruction, for it would have occasioned an universal insurrection for the king. They had not above three days' forage for their horses. So Cromwell called his officers to a day of seeking the Lord, in their style. He loved to talk much of that matter all his life

been of the garter."" The little octavo volume alluded to is of very rare occurrence. The title-page is as follows:

"J. G. De rebus auspiciis serenissimi et potentissimi Caroli Dei gratia Magnæ Britanniæ regis, &c. sub imperio illustrissimi Jacobi Montisrosarum Marchionis, &c. Supremi Scotia Gubernatoris CIOIOCXLIV et duobus sequentibus præclare gestis, Commentarius. Interprete A. S." It was published at Paris in 1648. The initials J. G. are

those of its hero (Jacobus Græmus), as A. S. are of Agricola Sophocardius, the latinised name of the author, George Wiseheart, or Wishart, a clergyman who eventu ally became Bishop of Edinburgh. The work is distinguished for the purity and elegance of its latinity as much as for its rarity. Its English translations are to be met with more frequently.

Montrose was executed in 1650

:

long afterwards: he said, he felt such an enlargement of heart in prayer, and such quiet upon it, that he bade all about him take heart, for God had certainly heard them, and would appear for them. After prayer they walked in the earl of Roxburgh's gardens that lay under the hill and by prospective glasses they discerned a great motion in the Scottish camp: upon which Cromwell said, "God is delivering them into our hands, they are coming down to us." Lesley was in the chief command: but he had a committee of the states to give him his orders, among whom Waristoun was one. These were weary of lying in the fields, and thought that Lesley made not haste enough to destroy those sectaries; for so they came to call them. He told them, by lying there all was sure; but that by engaging in action with gallant and desperate men all might be lost yet they still called on him to fall on. Many have thought that all this was treachery done on design to deliver up our army to Cromwell; some laying it upon Lesley, and others upon my uncle. I am persuaded there was no treachery in it only Waristoun was too hot, and Lesley was too cold, and yielded too easily to their humours, which he ought not to have done. They were all the night employed in coming down the hill and in the morning, before they were put in order, Cromwell fell upon them. Two regiments stood their ground, and were almost all killed in their ranks: the rest did un in a most shameful manner: so that both their artillery and baggage were lost, and with these a great many prisoners were taken, some thousands in all *. Cromwell upon this advanced to Edinburgh, where he was received without any opposition: and the castle that might have made a long resistance did capitulate. So all the southern part of Scotland came ander contribution to Cromwell. Stirling was the advanced garrison on the king's side. He himself retired to St. Johnstoun. A parliament was called that sat for some time at Stirling, and for some time at St. Johnstoun, in which a full indemnity was passed, not in the language of a pardon but of an act of approbation: only all that joined with Cromwell were declared traitors. But now the way of raising a new army was to be thought on.

A question had been proposed both to the committee of states and to the commissioners of the kirk, whether in this extremity those who had made defection, or had been hitherto too backward in the work, might not upon the profession of their repentance be received into public trust, and admitted to serve in the defence of their country. To this answers were distinctly given by two resolutions: the one was, that they ought to be admitted to make profession of their repentance: and the other was, that after such professions made they might be received to defend and serve their country.

Upon this a great division followed in the kirk: those who adhered to these resolutions were called the Public Resolutioners: but against these some of those bodies protested, and they, together with those who adhered to them, were called the Protestors. On the one hand it was said, that every government might call out all that were under its protection to

Cromwell, in his letter announcing the victory, confesses that, previous to the engagement, the Scotch had every advantage. In numbers they were 22,000, opposed to only 11,000 English, and they had "gathered towards the hills, having in this posture a great advantage." "The enemy's word was The Covenant,' ours The Lord of Hosts.' Before our foot could come up, the enemy made a gallant resistance, and there was a very hot dispute at sword's point between our horse and theirs. Our first foot, after they had discharged their duty, being overpowered by the enemy, received some repulse, which they soon recovered: but my own regiment did come seasonably in; and, at the push of pike, did repel the stoutest regiment the enemy had there, merely with the courage the Lord was pleased to give, which proved a great amazement to the residue of their foot. This being the first action between the foot, the horse, in the mean time, did, with a great deal of courage and spirit, beat back all opposition, charging through the bodies of the enemy's horse and foot; who were, after the first repulse given, made, by the Lord of Hosts, as stubble to their swords." About 3000 were slain, nearly 10,000 taken prisoners, all the baggage, 30 cannon, 15,000 arms, and 200 colours. The

English army lost about 20 men. The slaughter was in rout and pursuit over eight miles. Cromwell concludes with a great abundance of misplaced religious reflections. -(Parliament History, xix. 346, &c.) Clarendon gives a similar relation, adding that "the foot depended much upon their preachers, who preached, and prayed, and assured them of victory till the English were upon them; and some of them were knocked on the head whilst they were promising the victory." It would never be believed that the army, so dreadfully cut to pieces, was fighting to place Charles the Second on the English throne, if Clarendon's description of its destruction alone recorded the event. He very calmly observes, "Never victory was attended with less lamentations-the king was glad of it, as the greatest happiness that could befal him, in the loss of so strong a body of his enemies, who, if they should have prevailed, his majesty did believe they would have shut him up in a prison the next day; which had been only a stricter confinement than he suffered already: for the lord Lorn being captain of his guard, had so watchful a care of him both night and day, that his majesty could not go any whither without his leave."—(Hist. of Rebelliox, iii. 294, fol. ed.)

its defence: this seemed founded on the law of nature and of nations: and, if men had been misled, it was a strange cruelty to deny room for repentance: this was contrary to the nature of God and to the Gospel, and was a likely mean to drive them to despair: therefore after two years' time it seemed reasonable to allow them to serve according to their birthright in parliament, or in other hereditary offices, or in the army; from all which they had been excluded by an act made in the year 1649, which ranged them in different classes, and was from thence called "the act of classes." But the Protestors objected against all this, that to take in men of known enmity to the cause was a sort of betraying it, because it was the putting it in their power to betray it; that to admit them into a profession of repentance was a profanation, and a mocking of God: it was visible, they were willing to comply with these terms, though against their conscience, only to get into the army: nor could they expect a blessing from God on an army so constituted. And as to this particular they had great advantage; for this mock penitence was indeed a matter of great scandal. When these resolutions were passed with this protestation, a great many of the five western counties, Clydesdale, Renfrew, Ayr, Galloway and Nithsdale, met, and formed an association apart, both against the army of sectaries, and against this new defection in the kirk party. They drew a remonstrance against all the proceedings in the treaty with the king, when, as they said, it was visible by the commission he granted to Montrose, that his heart was not sincere : and they were also against the tendering him the covenant, when they had reason to believe he took it not with a resolution to maintain it, since his whole deportment and private conversation showed a secret enmity to the work of God: and, after an invidious enumeration of many particulars, they imputed the shameful defeat at Dunbar to their prevaricating in these things; and concluded with a desire, that the king might be excluded from any share in the administration of the government, and that his cause might be put out of the state of the quarrel with the army of the sectaries. This was brought to the committee of the states at St. Johnstoun, and was severely inveighed against by sir Thomas Nicholson, the king's advocate, or attorney general, there, who had been till then a zealous man of their party : but he had lately married my sister, and my father had great influence on him. He prevailed so, that the remonstrance was condemned as divisive, factious, and scandalous: but that the people might not be too much moved with these things, a declaration was prepared to be set out by the king for the satisfying of them. In it there were many hard things. The king owned the sin of his father in marrying into an idolatrous family: he acknowledged the bloodshed in the late wars lay at his father's door: he expressed a deep sense of his own ill education, and the prejudices he had drunk in against the cause of God, of which he was now very sensible: he confessed all the former parts of his life to have been a course of enmity to the work of God: he repented of his commission to Montrose, and of every thing he had done that gave offence: and with solemn protestations he affirmed, that he was now sincere in his declaration, and that he would adhere to it to the end of his life in Scotland, England, and Ireland.

The king was very uneasy when this was brought to him. He said, he could never look his mother in the face if he passed it. But when he was told it was necessary for his affairs, he resolved to swallow the pill without farther chewing it. So it was published, but had no good effect; for neither side believed him sincere in it. It was thought a strange imposition to make him load his father's memory in such a manner. But, while the king was thus beset with the high and more moderate kirk parties, the old cavaliers sent to him, offering that if he would cast himself into their hands they would meet him near Dundee with a great body. Upon this the king, growing weary of the sad life he led, made his escape in the night, and came to the place appointed: but it was a vain undertaking; for he was met by a very inconsiderable body at Clova, the place of rendezvous. Those at St. Johnstoun being troubled at this, sent Colonel Montgomery after him, who came up and pressed him to return very rudely: so the king came back. But this had a very good effect. The government saw now the danger of using him ill, which might provoke him to desperate courses: after that, he was used as well as that kingdom in so ill a state was capable of. He saw the necessity of courting the marquis of Argyle, and therefore made him great offers: at last he

talked of marrying his daughter. Lord Argyle was cold and backward: he saw the king's heart lay not to him: so he looked on all offers, but as so many snares. His son, the lord Lorn, was captain of the guards; and he made his court more dexterously, for he brought all persons that the king had a mind to speak with at all hours to him, and was in all respects not only faithful but zealous. Yet this was suspected as a collusion between the father and the son. The king was crowned on the first of January: and there he again renewed the covenant and now all people were admitted to come to him, and to serve in the army. The two armies lay peaceably in their winter quarters. But when the summer came on, a body of the English passed the Frith, and landed in Fife. So the king, having got up all the forces he had expected, resolved on a march into England. Scotland could not maintain another year's war. This was a desperate resolution: but there was nothing else to be done.

I will not pursue the relation of the march to Worcester, nor the total defeat given the king's army on the third of September, the same day in which Dunbar fight had been fought the year before. These things are so well known, as is also the king's escape, that I can add nothing to the common relations that have been over and over made of them *. At the same time that Cromwell followed the king into England, he left Monk in Scotland with an army sufficient to reduce the rest of the kingdom. The town of Dundee made a rash and ill-considered resistance: it was after a few days' siege taken by storm: much blood was shed, and the town was severely plundered: no other place made any resistance. I remember well of three regiments coming to Aberdeen. There was an order and discipline, and a face of gravity and piety among them, that amazed all people. Most of them were Independents and Anabaptists: they were all gifted men, and preached as they were moved. But they never disturbed the public assemblies in the churches but once. They came and reproached the preachers for laying things to their charge that were false. I was then present: the debate grew very fierce at last they drew their swords, but there was no hurt done: yet Cromwell displaced the governor for not punishing this.

When the low-countries in Scotland were thus reduced, some of the more zealous of the nobility went to the Highlands in the year 1653. The earl of Glencairn, a grave and sober man, got the tribe of the Macdonalds to declare for the king. To these the lord Lorn came with about a thousand men: but the jealousy of the father made the son be suspected. The marquis of Argyle had retired into his country when the king marched into England; and did not submit to Monk till the year 52. Then he received a garrison; but lord Lorn surprised a ship that was sent about with provisions to it, which helped to support their little ill-formed army. Many gentlemen came to them; and almost all the good horses of the kingdom were stolen, and carried up to them. They made a body of about 3000: of these they had about 500 horse. They endured great hardships; for those parts were not fit to entertain men that had been accustomed to live softly. The earl of Glencairn had almost spoiled all; for he took much upon him: and upon some suspicion he ordered lord Lorn to be clapt up, who had notice of it, and prevented it by an escape: otherwise they had fallen to cut one another's throats, instead of marching to the enemy. The earl of Balcarras, a virtuous and knowing man, but somewhat morose in his humour, went also among them. They differed in their counsels: lord Glencairn was for falling into the low-countries: and he began to fancy he should be another Montrose. Balcarras on the other hand was for keeping in their fastnesses: they made a show of a body for the king, which they were to keep up in

*The hair-breadth escapes that Charles had, are related at length in Clarendon's History of the Rebellion; and in a volume published in 1725, called "Boscobel, or a complete History of the most miraculous preservation of king Charles the Second after the battle of Worcester." These are both very faithful narratives. The battle was fought on the 3rd of September, the very day on which the same troops were defeated at Dunbar in the previous year this was always considered by Cromwell his propitious day, which accounts for the hurried manner in which he brought on the action. If he had waited for

regular movements, the attack must have been postponed until the following morning. It was a remarkable coincidence that it was on the 3rd of September Cromwell died. Charles had no chance to win at Worcester, he was outnumbered and outgeneralled. His troops were dispirited, and his officers disunited. Lesley was jealous of Middleton; and the duke of Buckingham, young, inexperienced in war, and profligate as he was, yet pressed to be made commander-in-chief over them both Clarendon, Hist. of the Rebellion.

some reputation as long as they could, till they could see what assistance the king might be able to procure them from beyond sea of men, money, and arms; whereas if they went out of those fast grounds, they could not hope to stand before such a veteran and well-disciplined army as Monk had; and if they met with the least check, their tumultuary body would soon melt away.

Among others one sir Robert Murray, that had married lord Balcarras's sister, came among them; he had served in France, where he had got into such a degree of favour with cardinal Richelieu, that few strangers were ever so much considered by him as he was, He was raised to be a colonel there, and came over for recruits when the king was with the Scotch army at Newcastle. There he grew into high favour with the king, and laid a design for his escape, of which I have given an account in duke Hamilton's memoirs: he was the most universally beloved and esteemed by men of all sides and sorts, of any man I have ever known in my whole life. He was a pious man, and in the midst of armies and courts he spent many hours a day in devotion. He had gone through the easy parts of mathematics, and knew the history of nature beyond any man I ever yet knew. He had a genius much like Peiriski, as he is described by Gassendi. He was afterwards the first former of the Royal Society, and its first president; and while he lived he was the life and soul of that body. He had an equality of temper in him that nothing could alter; and was in practice the only Stoic I ever knew. He had a great tincture of one of their principles; for he was much for absolute decrees. He had a most diffused love to all mankind, and he delighted in every occasion of doing good, which he managed with great discretion and zeal. He had a superiority of genius and comprehension to most men: and had the plainest, but with all the softest, way of reproving, chiefly young people, for their faults that I ever met with. Sir Robert Murray was in such credit in that little army, that lord Glencairn took a strange course to break it, and to ruin him. A letter was pretended to be found at Antwerp, as written by him to William Murray of the bed-chamber, that had been whipping-boy to king Charles the first, and upon that had grown up to a degree of favour and confidence that was very particular : he had a lewd creature there, whom he turned off: and she, to be revenged on him, framed this plot against him. This ill-forged letter gave an account of a bargain sir Robert had made with Monk for killing the king, which was to be executed by Mr. Murray: so he prayed him in his letter to make haste and despatch it. This was brought to the earl of Glencairn so sir Robert was severely questioned upon it, and put in arrest and it was spread about through a rude army that he intended to kill the king, hoping it seems that some of these wild people believing it would have fallen upon him without using any forms. Upon this occasion sir Robert practised in a very eminent manner his true christian philosophy, without showing so much as a cloud in his whole behaviour.

The earl of Balcarras left the Highlands, and went to the king; and showed him the necessity of sending a military man to command that body, to whom they would submit more willingly than to any of the nobility. Middletoun was sent over, who was a gallant man and a good officer: he had first served on the parliament's side; but he turned over to the king, and was taken at Worcester fight, but made his escape out of the Tower. He, upon his coming over, did for some time lay the heats that were among the Highlanders, and made as much of that face of an army for another year as was possible.

Drummond was sent by him to Paris with an invitation to the king to come among them; for they had assurances sent them, that the whole nation was in a disposition to rise with them and England was beginning to grow weary of their new government, the army and the parliament being on ill terms. The English were also engaged in a war with the States: and the Dutch upon that account might be inclined to assist the king to give a diversion to their enemies' forces. Drummond told me, that upon his coming to Paris he was called to the little council that was then about the king: and when he had delivered his message, chancellor Hyde asked him, how the king would be accommodated if he came among them: he answered, not so well as was fitting, but they would all take care of him to furnish him with every thing that was necessary. He wondered that the king did not check the chancellor in his demand; for he said, it looked strange to him, that when they were hazarding