earl of Rochester, Wilmot, from whom I had it, that he was confident that he would lay that before the king, which would totally alienate him both from his brother and from the lord Clarendon : for he could demonstrate by the principles of that art, that he was to fall by his brother's means, if not by his hand and he was sure this would work on the king. It would so, said the duke of Buckingham, but in another way than he expected; for it would make the king be so afraid of offending him, that he would do any thing rather than provoke him. Yet the lord Bristol would lay this before the king. And the duke of Buckingham believed that it had the effect ever after, that he had apprehended; for though the king never loved nor esteemed the duke, yet he seemed to stand in some sort of awe of him.

But this was not all the lord Bristol resolved to offer articles of impeachment against the earl of Clarendon to the house of lords, though it was plainly provided against by the statute against appeals in the reign of Henry the Fourth. Yet both the duke of Buckingham, and the lord Bristol, the fathers of these two lords, had broken through that in the former reign. So the lord Bristol drew his impeachment, and carried it to the king, who took much pains on him in a soft and gentle manner to dissuade him from it. But he would not be wrought on. And he told the king plainly, that, if he forsook him, he would raise such disorders that all England should feel them, and the king himself should not be without a large share in them. The king, as the earl of Lauderdale told me, who said he had it from himself, said, he was so provoked at this, that he durst not trust himself in answering it, but went out of the room, and sent the lord Aubigny to soften him ; but all was in vain. It is very probable that the lord Bristol knew the secret of the king's religion, which both made him so bold, and the king so fearful. The next day he carried the charge to the house of lords. It was of a very mixed nature: in one part he charged the lord Clarendon with raising jealousies, and spreading reports of the king's being a papist and yet in the other articles he charged him with correspondence with the court of Rome, in order to the making the lord Aubigny a cardinal, and several other things of a very strange nature. As soon as he put it in, he, it seems, either repented of it, or at least was prevailed with to abscond. He was ever after that looked on as a man capable of the highest extravagancies possible. He made the matter worse by a letter that he wrote to the lords, in which he expressed his fear of the danger the king was in by the duke's having of guards. Proclamations went out for discovering him; but he kept out of the way till the storm was over *. The parliament expressed a firm resolution to maintain the act of uniformity: and the king being run much in debt, they gave him four subsidies, being willing to return to the ancient way of taxes by subsidies. But these were so evaded, and brought in so little money, that the court resolved never to have recourse to that method of raising money any more, but to betake themselves for the future to the assess

The conduct of the earl of Bristol in this affair was consonant with the other extravagant acts of his life. Lord Clarendon agrees with Burnet in stating that the earl endeavoured by threats to force the king to coincide with his plans. He told his majesty "he knew well the cause of his withdrawing his favour from him; that it proceeded only from the chancellor, who governed him and managed all his affairs, whilst himself spent his time only in pleasures and debauchery.' This and many other truths which ought to have been more respectfully and decently mentioned, were uttered in the presence of lord Aubigny, who was as much surprised as the king. The earl proceeded in this burst of extravagance by adding that, if satisfaction was not afforded him by his majesty within twenty-four hours," he would do somewhat that would awaken him out of his slumber, and make him look better to his own business;" concluding with many threats against the chancellor. Charles retorted with more warmth than was customary, yet he lamented afterwards that he had not presence of mind, it being in his own closet, to call for the guard, and send the earl to the Tower. When the twenty-four hours had elapsed, the earl of Bristol appeared before the house of peers, and

after many reflections upon the ill-government of the nation, the king's loss of honour, &c., he concluded by charging the lord chancellor Clarendon of high reason. The latter defended himself successfully from the charges of his accuser; and the king told him at dinner the same day that he felt the accusation inculpated himself as much as it did the accused. The opinions of the judges were taken upon the charges, and they concurred in deciding that one peer could not exhibit a charge of high treason against another peer before the house of lords; and moreover, that all the charges did not amount to that crime. When called upon to substantiate his charges, the earl of Bristol delayed so long, that the king issued warrants to a serjeant-at-arms to apprehend him; but he absconded, and continued concealed for two years, sending occasionally letters and petitions to his majesty, who would not receive them. Finally, the countess and sir Harry Bennet prevailed with Charles to admit the earl to a private interview, but he was not allowed to come to court, nor were the warrants for his apprehension withdrawn. Ho did not appear publicly until Clarendon was forced into exile. — Clarendon's Continuation of his Life, 210; Chandler's Debates in House of Lords, i. 55-65.

ment begun in the war. The convocation gave at the same time four subsidies, which proved as heavy on them, as they were light on the temporality. This was the last aid that the spiritualty gave: for the whole proving so inconsiderable, and yet so unequally heavy on the clergy, it was resolved on, hereafter, to tax church benefices as temporal estates were taxed; which proved indeed a lighter burden, but was not so honourable as when it was given by themselves. Yet interest prevailing above the point of honour, they acquiesced in it. So the convocations being no more necessary to the crown, this made that there was less regard had to them afterwards. They were often discontinued and prorogued and when they met, it was only for form. The parliament did pass another act, that was very acceptable to the court, and that shewed a confidence in the king, repealing the act of triennial parliaments, which had been obtained with so much difficulty, and was clogged with so many clauses, which seemed to transfer the power from the crown to the people, that, when it was carried, it was thought the greatest security that the people bad for all their other liberties. But it was now given up without a struggle, or any clauses for a certainty of parliaments, besides a general one, that there should be a parliament called within three years after the dissolution of the present parliament, and so ever afterwards, but without any severe clauses, in case the act was not observed.

:

As for our foreign negotiations, I know nothing in particular concerning them. Secretary Bennet had them all in his hands; and I had no confidence with any about him. Our concerns with Portugal were public; and I knew no secrets about these.

By a melancholy instance to our private family, it appeared that France was taking all possible methods to do every thing that the king desired. The commonwealth's-men were now thinking, that they saw the stream of the nation beginning to turn against the court: and upon that they were meeting, and laying plots to retrieve their lost game. One of these being taken, and apprehending he was in danger, begged his life of the king, and said, if he might be assured of his pardon, he would tell where my uncle Wariston was, who was then in Rouen; for the air of Hamborough agreed so ill with him, that he was advised to go to France; and this man was in the secret. The king sent one to the court of France, desiring he might be put in his hauds; and this was immediately done. And no notice was sent to my uncle to go out of the way, as is usual in such cases, when a person is not charged with assassinations or any infamous action, but only with crimes of state. He was sent over, and kept some months in the Tower of London, and from that was sent to Scotland, as shall be told afterwards.

The design of a war with Holland was now working. I have been very positively assured by statesmen of both sides, that the French set it on in a very artificial manner; for while they encouraged us to insist on some extravagant demands, they at the same time pressed the Dutch not to yield to them: and as they put them in hopes, that, if a rupture should follow, they would assist them according to their alliance, so they assured us that they would do us no hurt. Downing was then employed in Holland, a crafty, fawning man, who was ready to turn to every side that was uppermost, and to betray those who by their former friendship and services thought they might depend on him; as he did some of the regicides, whom he got in his hands under trust, and then delivered them up. He had been Cromwell's ambassador in Holland, where he had offered personal affronts both to the king and the duke: yet he had by some base practices got himself to be so effectually recommended by the duke of Albemarle, that all his former offences were forgiven, and he was sent into Holland as the king's ambassador, whose behaviour towards the king himself the states had observed. So they had reason to conclude he was sent over with no good intent, and that he was capable of managing a bad design, and very ready to undertake it *.

Sir George Downing was the son of Dr. Calybute Downing and resembled him in character, according to Anthony Wood, being "a sider with all times and changes, well skilled in the common cant, and a preacher sometimes to boot." Clarendon says, he had been partly educated in New England. It is certain that before he had the appointment of resident in Holland, he had passed through many offices in Cromwell's army. Having

obtained his favour, he was several times elected member of the parliaments of 1654 and 1656, and married a very beautiful lady of noble extraction. Whilst in Holland, serving as Cromwell's representative, he took unnecessary occasions to annoy the exiled king, but when the protector died, and he saw the Stuart interest ascending, he took care, through the duke of Ormond, to give the king secret and highly useful information, and a tender

There was no visible cause of war.

A complaint of a ship taken was ready to have been satisfied; but Downing hindered it. So it was plain, the king hated them; and fancied they were so feeble, and the English were so much superior to them, that a war would humble them to an entire submission and dependence on him in all things. The States had treated, and presented the king with great magnificence, and at a vast charge, during the time that he had staid among them, after England had declared for him. And, as far as could appearances go, the king seemed sensible of it; insomuch that the party for the prince of Orange were not pleased, because their applications to him could not prevail to make him interpose, either in the behalf of himself, or of his friends, to get the resolutions taken against him to be repealed, or his party again put in places of trust and command. The king put that off as not proper to be pressed by him at that time; but neither then nor afterwards did he bestir himself in that matter: though, if either gratitude or interest had been of force, and if these had not been overruled by some more prevalent considerations, he must have been inclined to make some returns for the services the late prince did him ; and he must have seen what a figure he must make by having the prince of Orange tied to him in interest, as much as he was by blood. France and popery were the true springs of all these counsels. It was the interest of the king of France, that the armies of the States might fall under such a feebleness, that they should be in no condition to make a vigorous resistance, when he should be ready either to invade them, or to fall into Flanders, which he was resolved to do, whensoever the king of Spain should die. The French did thus set on the war between the English and the Dutch, hoping that our fleets should mutually weaken one another so much, that the naval force of France, which was increasing very considerably, should be near an equality to them, when they should be shattered by a war. The States were likewise the greatest strength of the protestant interest, and were therefore to be humbled. So, in order to make the king more considerable both at home and abroad, the court resolved to prepare for a war, and to seek for such colours as might serve to justify it. The earl of Clarendon was not let into the secret of this design, and was always against it: but his interest was now sunk low, and he began to feel the power of an imperious mistress over an amorous king, who was so disgusted at the queen, that he abandoned himself wholly to amour and luxury.

This was, as far as I could penetrate into it, the state of the court for the first four years after the Restoration. I was in the court a great part of the years 1662, 1663, and 1664; and was as inquisitive as I could possibly be, and had more than ordinary occasions to hear and see a great deal.

But now I return to the affairs of Scotland: the earl of Middleton, after a delay of some months, came up to London, and was very coldly received by the king. The earl of Lauderdale moved that a Scotch council might be called. The lord Clarendon got this to be delayed a fortnight. When it met, the lord Lauderdale accused the earl of Middleton of many malversations in the great trust he had been in, which he aggravated severely. The lord Middleton desired he might have what was objected to him in writing: and when he had it, he sent it to Scotland, so that it was six weeks before he had his answer ready; all on design to gain time. He excused some errors in point of form, by saying, that, having served in a military way, he understood not so exactly what belonged to law and form; but insisted on this, that he designed nothing, but that the king's service might go on, and that his friends might be taken care of, and his enemies be humbled, and that so loyal a parliament might be encouraged, who were full of zeal and affection to his service; that, in complying with them, he had kept every thing so entirely in his majesty's power, that the king was under no difficulties by any thing they had done. In the meanwhile Sheldon was very earnest with the king to forgive the lord Middleton's crime, otherwise he

of his services. This was unknown to the Dutch government, and it was astonished when Charles came to the Hague, previous to embarking to resume the crown, when Downing was not only received graciously, but was knighted, and continued as resident. Clarendon supports the statement of Burnet, that Downing promoted the involving England in the Dutch war.

He was the repre

sentative of Morpeth in the parliament of May, 1661. The regicides he kidnapped were Barkstead, Okey, and Corbet. Subsequently he became secretary to the treasury, a teller of the exchequer, a commissioner of customs, and a baronet. Clarendon describes him as bold, proud, insolent, and loquacious.-Wood's Athena Oxon. Clarendon's Continuation of his Life.

concluded the change so newly made in the church would be so ill supported, that it must fall to the ground. The duke of Albemarle, who knew Scotland, and had more credit on that head than on any other, pretended that the lord Middleton's party was that on which the king could only rely: he magnified both their power and their zeal, and represented the earl of Lauderdale's friends as cold and hollow in the king's service: and, to support all this, the letters that came from Scotland were full of the insolencies of the presbyterians, and of the dejection the bishops and their friends were under. Sharp was prevailed on to go up. He promised to all the earl of Middleton's friends, that he would stick firm to him, and that he would lay before the king, that his standing or falling must be the standing or falling of the church. Of this the earl of Lauderdale had advice sent him. Yet when he came to London, and saw that the king was alienated from the lord Middleton, he resolved to make great submissions to the lord Lauderdale. When he reproached him for his engagements with the earl of Middleton, he denied all; and said, he had never gone farther than what was decent, considering his post. He also denied he had written to the king in his favour; but the king had given the original letter to the lord Lauderdale, who upon that shewed it to Sharp; with which he was so struck, that he fell a crying in a most abject manner. He begged pardon for it; and said, what could a company of poor men refuse to the earl of Middleton, who had done so much for them, and had them so entirely in his power. The lord Lauderdale upon this comforted him; and said, he would forgive them all that was past, and would serve them and the church at another rate than lord Middleton was capable of doing. So Sharp became wholly his. Of all this lord Lauderdale gave me a full relation the next day; and shewed me the papers that passed between lord Middleton and him. Sharp thought he had escaped well. The earl of Middleton treated the bishops too much as his creatures, and assumed a great deal to himself, and expressed a sort of authority over them; which Sharp was uneasy under, though he durst not complain of it, or resist it: whereas he reckoned that lord Lauderdale, knowing the suspicions that lay on him, as favouring the presbyterians, would have less credit and courage in opposing any thing that should be necessary for their support. It proved that in this he judged right; for the lord Lauderdale, that he might maintain himself at court, and with the church of England, was really more compliant and easy to every proposition that the bishops made, than he would otherwise have been, if he had been always of the episcopal party. But all he did that way was against his heart, except when his passions were vehemently stirred, which a very slight occasion would readily do.

When the earls of Lauderdale and Middleton had been writing papers and answers for above three months, an accident happened which hastened lord Middleton's disgrace. The earl of Lauderdale laid before the king the unjust proceedings in the laying on of the fines: and, to make all that party sure to himself, he procured a letter from the king to the council in Scotland, ordering them to issue out a proclamation for superseding the execution of the act of fining till farther order. The privy council being then for the greater part composed of lord Middleton's friends, it was pretended by some of them, that, as long as he was the king's commissioner, they could receive and execute no orders from the king, but through his hands. So they wrote to him, desiring him to represent to the king, that this would be an affront put on the proceedings of parliament, and would raise the spirits of a party that ought to be. kept down. Lord Middleton wrote. back, that he had laid the matter before the king; and that he, considering better of it, ordered, that no proceeding should be made upon his former letter. This occasioned a hot debate in council. It was said, a letter under the king's hand could not be countermanded, but from the same hand. So the council wrote to know the king's mind in the matter. The king protested he knew nothing of it, and that lord Middleton had not spoken one word on the subject to him. He upon that sent for him, and chid him so severely, that lord Middleton concluded from it that he was ruined. Yet he always stood upon it, that he had the king's order by word of mouth for what he had done, though he was not so cautious as to procure an instruction under his hand for his warrant. It is very probable that he spoke of it to the king, when his head was full of somewhat else, so that he did not mind it; and that, to get rid of the earl of Middleton, he bid him do whatever he proposed, without reflecting much on it: for the king was at that

time often so distracted in his thoughts, that he was not at all times master of himself. The queen-mother had brought over from France one Mrs. Stuart, reckoned a very great beauty, who was afterwards married to the duke of Richmond. The king was believed to be deeply in love with her *. Yet his former mistress kept her ground still; and, what with her humours and jealousy, and what with this new amour, the king had very little quiet, between both their passions and his own.

Towards the end of May, the king called many of the English councillors together, and did order all the papers that had passed between the earls of Lauderdale and Middleton to be read to them. When that was done, many of them, who were Middleton's friends, said much in excuse of his errors, and of the necessity of continuing him still in that high trust. But the king said, his errors were so great and so many, that the credit of his affairs must suffer, if he continued them any longer in such hands. Yet he promised them, he would be still kind to him; for he looked on him as a very honest man. Few days after that secretary Morrice was sent to him, with a warrant under the king's hand, requiring him to deliver up his commission, which he did. And so his ministry came to an end, after a sort of a reign of much violence and injustice: for he was become very imperious. He and his company were delivered up to so much excess, and to such a madness of frolic and intemperance, that as Scotland had never seen any thing like it, so upon this disgrace there was a general joy over the kingdom: though that lasted not long; for those that came after him grew worse than ever he was like to be. He had lived in great magnificence, which made him acceptable to many: and he was a firm friend, though a violent enemy. The earl of Rothes was declared the king's commissioner. But the earl of Lauderdale would not trust him. So he went down with him, and kept him too visibly in a dependence on him, for all his high character. One of the first things that was done in this session of parliament, was the execution of my unfortunate uncle, Wariston. He was so disordered both in body and mind that it was a reproach to a government to proceed against him: his memory was so gone, that he did not know his own children. He was brought before the parliament, to hear what he had to say, why his execution should not be awarded. He spoke long, but in a broken and disordered strain, which his enemies fancied was put on to create pity. He was sentenced to die. His deportment was unequal, as might be expected from a man in his condition. Yet when the day of his execution came, he was very serene. He was cheerful, and seemed fully satisfied with his death. He read a speech twice over on the scaffold, that to my knowledge he composed himself, in which he justified all the proceedings in the covenant, and asserted his own sincerity; but condemned his joining with Cromwell and the sectaries, though even in that his intentions had been sincere, for the good of his country, and the security of religion. Lord Lauderdale had lived in great friendship with him: but he saw the king was so set against him, that he, who at all times took more care of himself than of his friends, would not in so critical a time seem to favour a man, whom the presbyterians had set up as a sort of an idol among them, and on whom they did depend more, than on any other man then alive. The business of the parliament went on as the lord Lauderdale directed. The whole proceeding in the matter of the balloting was laid open. It appeared, that the parliament had not desired it, but had been led into it by being made believe that the king had a mind to it. And of all the members of parliament, not above twelve could be prevailed on to own, that they had advised the earl of Middleton to ask leave of the king for it, whose private suggestions he had represented to the king as the desire of the parliament. This finished his disgrace, as well as it occasioned the putting all his party out of employments.

While they were going on with their affairs, they understood that an act had passed in the parliament of England against all conventicles, impowering justices of peace to convict

This was Frances Theresa, daughter of Captain is on the reverse of the best coins of this reign.-WalWalter Stuart, son of Lord Blantyre. Her mind was not distinguished for its solidity or brilliancy; but in person she was probably the most beautiful woman that ever adorned the court of Charles the Second. Above all, she had an unimpeached character. Rotier, the king's engraver, almost adored her. Her portrait, as Britannia,

pole's Anecdotes of Painting; Evelyn's Numismata. It was a very prevalent opinion that the king would divorce himself from his queen, and marry her. The consequences of her marriage with the duke of Richmond will be seen in a future page.--Memoires de Grammont; Continuation of Clarendon's Life; Grainger's Biog. History.