them places at the theatre? They might have had places for their two obols, if the resolution had not been moved. Was it my duty to guard the petty interests of the state, and have sold our main interests like these men? Surely not. Take and read me this decree, which the prosecutor, knowing it well, passed over. Read.

THE DECREE.1

"In the Archonship of Mnesiphilus, on the thirteenth of Hecatombæon, in the presidency of the Pandionian tribe, Demosthenes son of Demosthenes of Pæania moved :Whereas Philip hath sent ambassadors for peace, and hath it in repair and proper order, he himself taking the profits. The entrance fee of two obols was paid to him.

Demosthenes, as member of the council, had introduced the Macedonian ambassadors, Parmenio, Antipater, and Eurylochus, and moved that they should be invited to seats of honour at the Dionysian festival. This was no more than a necessary act of civility, due to the eminent ministers whom Philip had s could not be a more fit pers who had been one of the ter

treat with the Athenians: and there make the motio han Demosthenes, assadors to Philip, and (it seems) the only councillor among them. Nor did he confine himself to these formal acts, but during their stay at Athens hospitably entertained them at his own house, and on their departure accompanied them a part of the way on horseback. For these attentions he was reproached by Eschines, as if he had overacted his part, and either sought to curry favour with Philip, or to make an idle display of his wealth and importance.

i In this, as in most of the documents quoted in the first half of the present speech, there are found serious difficulties, which have led critics to the conviction that it is not genuine. In the first place, the name of the archon for the year B.C. 347 was not Mnesiphilus, but Themistocles. Secondly, not five, but ten ambassadors, were sent to receive the oath of Philip; and indeed the same ten who had been on the previous embassy. Thirdly, it is called a resolution of the senate and people, whereas that which Demosthenes refers to was a resolution of the senate alone. Fourthly, the ten ambassadors were sent to receive Philip's oath only, not to take the oath on behalf of their country, which had been done before. These and some other discrepancies have led to the conclusion, that the decree (which is not found in all the manuscripts) is an interpolation; and Böckh, in a treatise De Archontibus Pseudeponymis, suggests the following way of accounting for the error. He supposes that the decree in the text was found in some ancient collection by the interpolator; that he mistook the name of the гpauμaTEÙs, or secretary of the council, which was usually appended to decrees, for the name of the archon; and that, for want of due attention to times and circumstances, he mistook one document for another. Thus, in the endeavour to supply the defect of his manuscript, he corrupted the VOL. II.

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agreed upon articles of treaty, it is resolved by the Council and People of Athens, in order that the peace voted in the first assembly may be ratified, to choose forthwith from the whole body of Athenians five ambassadors; and that the persons elected do repair, without any delay, wheresoever they shall ascertain that Philip is, and as speedily as may be exchange oaths with him, according to the articles agreed on between him and the Athenian people, comprehending the allies of either party. ambassadors were chosen, Eubulus of Anaphlystus, Eschines of Cothocida, Cephisophon of Rhamnus, Democrates of Phlya, Cleon of Cothocida."

30 Notwithstanding that I had passed this decree for the advantage of Athens, not that of Philip, our worthy ambassadors so little regarded it, as to sit down in Macedonia three whole months, until Philip returned from Thrace after entirely subjugating the country; although they might in ten days, or rather in three or for have reached the Hellespont and saved the fortresses, b eiving his oath before he reduced them: for he would never have touched them in our presence, or we should not have sworn him; and thus he would have lost the peace, and not have obtained both, the peace and the fortresses.

Such was the first trick of Philip, the first corrupt act of these accursed miscreants, in the embassy: for which I avow that I was and am and ever will be at war and variance with

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text of the author; but gave up the unprofitable work when he had got half through the speech: and so it happens that the latter half is free from such interpolation.

Jacobs, who concurs with this view of Böckh, appears to agree with him also in another conjecture, viz. that the peace referred to in this decree is the same which is stated by Diodorus (lib. xvi. 77) to have been concluded between the Athenians and Philip after his unsuccessful siege of Byzantium. Other writers have doubted the fact of such a peace having ever been made.

1 The dedoxaι depends in construction upon efTe, "moved that it be resolved." Such was the style in which a decree was drawn up.

2 Lord Brougham charges Leland with an anti-climax in translating Toλeμeîv kal diapépeσbai, "war and opposition." But he has an incorrect notion of the meaning of diapépouai, which he says "indicates a constant agitation-a restless enmity." The truth is, that diapépoua is not a strong word, but means simply "I differ with-I dispute with-I am at variance," or the like. People not familiar with a language may be misled by etymology; for example, the common meanings of versari,

them. But mark another and still greater piece of villany immediately after. When Philip had sworn to the peace, 1 having secured Thrace through these men disobeying my decree, he again bribes them not to leave Macedonia, until he had got all ready for his expedition against the Phocians. His fear was, if they reported to you his design and preparation for marching, you might sally forth, sail round with your galleys to Thermopyla as before, and block up the strait: his desire, that, the moment you received the intelligence from them, he should have passed Thermopyla, and you be unable to do anything. And in such terror and anxiety was Philip, lest, notwithstanding he had gained these advantages, if you voted succour before the destruction of the Phocians, his enterprise should fail; he hires this despicable fellow, no longer in common with the other ambassadors, but by himself individually, to make that statement and report to you, by which everything was lost.

I conjure and beseech you, men of Athens, throughout the trial to remember this; that, if Æschines in his charge had not travelled out of the indictment,1 neither would I have spoken a word irrelevant; but since he has resorted to every species both of accusation and calumny, it is necessary for me to reply briefly to each of his charges.

What then were the statements made by Eschines, through 35 conversant, prevaricate, discourse, would not be discovered from the mere derivation of the words. Familiarity only makes you acquainted with the conventional usages of language, with the ordinary meanings of words, and all their niceties and peculiarities. Lord Brougham was partly deceived by the lexicon, which gives hinc inde jactor as one of the meanings of diapépouai, and partly by his assuming that Demosthenes himself would never have been guilty of an anticlimax. I have myself observed that the ancients were not so particular about climaxes as modern writers are. But it is further to be observed, that the force of the passage greatly depends upon the words Tóte Kal vûv kaì del, which are applicable to both the verbs; and also, that the war which Demosthenes denounces is only a political war, and, so understood, it does not in effect amount to more than political opposition or enmity.

Jacobs expresses diapépeσbai by Zwist, Pabst by Zwiespalt, Auger by opposition.

1 A lawyerlike phrase is suitable here; and I have adopted the one furnished by Lord Brougham's reviewer in the Times. Leland's version, "if Eschines had urged nothing against me foreign to his cause," is not so good. Jacobs: wenn nicht Eschines über die Grenzen der Klage ausgeschritten wäre.

which everything was lost? That you should not be alarmed by Philip's having passed Thermopyla-that all would be as you desired, if you kept quiet; and in two or three days you would hear, he was their friend to whom he had come as an enemy, and their enemy to whom he had come as a friendit was not words that cemented attachments, (such was his solemn phrase,) but identity of interest; and it was the interest of all alike, Philip, the Phocians, and you, to be relieved from the harshness and insolence of the Thebans. His assertions were heard by some with pleasure, on account of the hatred which then subsisted against the Thebans. But what happened directly, almost immediately, afterwards? The wretched Phocians were destroyed, their cities demolished; you that kept quiet, and trusted to Eschines, were shortly bringing in your effects out of the country, while Æschines received gold; and yet more-while you got nothing but your enmity with the Thebans and Thessalians,1 Philip won their gratitude for what he had done. To prove what I say, read me the decree of Callisthenes, and the letter of Philip, from both of which these particulars will be clear to you. Read.

THE DECREE.2

"In the Archonship of Mnesiphilus, an extraordinary assembly having been convened by the Generals, with the sanction of the Presidents and the Council, on the twenty

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1 The truth of the matter is a little warped by the verbal antithesis of the orator. It is not strictly true, that the enmity with the Thebans and Thessalians was caused by these proceedings; it existed before, the Athenians having all along favoured the Phocians; though it was certainly increased by their display of ill-will upon the occasion referred to, as Demosthenes says in the Oration on the Embassy, Tv ěx@pav Tǹv πρὸς Θηβαίους μείζω πεποίηκεν, (368.) The verb γενέσθαι applies well to the latter clause, but not to the former; as is frequently the case.

2 This decree, like the last, appears to be spurious. Not only the name of the archon, but the date and other circumstances are incorrect. The assembly held after the news of the conquest of Phocis was not in the month here stated, but at the end of Scirrophorion (June). And the contents of the decree vary from those which Demosthenes himself mentions in the Oration on the Embassy (359, 379). Winiewski thinks that there may have been two decrees on the motion of Callisthenes, similar in character, but on different occasions.

3 To explain the constant references to the πρυτάνεις, πρόεδροι, &c. &c. a brief account is given of the two Athenian Councils in Appendixes III. and IV., and of the Popular Assemblies in Appendix V.

first of Mæmacterion, Callisthenes, son of Eteonicus of Phalerum, moved :-No Athenian shall on any pretence sleep in the country, but all in the city and Piræus, except those who are stationed in the garrisons; and they shall every one keep the posts assigned to them, without absenting themselves by night or day. Whosoever disobeys this decree, shall be amenable to the penalties of treason, unless he can show that some necessity prevented him: the judges of such necessity shall be the General of Infantry, and he of the Finance department,' and the Secretary of the Council. All effects shall be conveyed out of the country as speedily as may be; those that are within a hundred and twenty furlongs into the city and Piræus, those that are beyond a hundred and twenty furlongs to Eleusis, and Phyle, and Aphidna, and Rhamnus, and Sunium. On the motion of Callisthenes of Phalerum."

Was it with such expectations you concluded the peace ? Were such the promises this hireling made you? Come, read the letter which Philip sent after this to Athens.

1 The duties of the generals were more numerous and varied in the time of Demosthenes than in the early period of the republic. Formerly (as mentioned in vol. I. p. 66, note 3,) the ten generals were sent out all together on warlike service. But this practice was discontinued, as the wars of Athens began to be more frequent and on a larger scale. One, two, or three only were then put in command of a single armament. The generals nad also various duties of a civil nature assigned to them, which required the presence of some of them at home. Such were the superintendence of all warlike preparations, and the collecting and dispensing of the military funds. The management of the propertytax was confided to them, on account of its being peculiarly a warimpost. (See Appendix IV. vol. I.) Like other Athenian magistrates, they had judicial functions to perform in matters under their administrative control; as in questions arising out of the property-tax assessments, and charges for breach of military duty. The power of convoking extraordinary assemblies of the people was given to them, as being the persons peculiarly entrusted with the defence of the city and commonwealth. In the time of Demosthenes it would seem that their functions were divided, probably for convenience; so that one commanded the infantry, ó èπl Tŵv önλwv, or dπλiTŵv, another the cavalry, ó ènì tŵv innéwv, another took charge of the military chest and fund, ó ènì Tâs dioikýσews. Perhaps others had other tasks assigned to them. See the page above referred to in vol. I. Reiske thinks dénì Tŵv OTAwv is simply "the general in military command." Jacobs renders it, der befehlführende Strateg.

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