The fecond depofition was of Henry Gooche of Grey's- CHAR. I, Inn, who faid: "That on the 30th of September laft, 1648-9. "having access to, and difcourfe with, the king at New"port, he told him, that fince his majefty had juftified P. 1415. "the parliament's taking up arms, by confenting to the "preface of the bill, he did not queftion, but most of the "prefbyterian-party, both foldiers and others, would stick "close to him." To which the king answered, “That "he would have all his old friends know, that though for "the prefent he was contented to give the parliament leave "to call their own war what they pleated, yet that he nei"ther did then, nor ever fhould decline the juftice of his Moreover, upon the deponent's saying, own cause." "That his business was much retarded through want of "commiffions." The king made answer, "That being "upon a treaty he would not difhonour himfelf, but if the "deponent would go over to the prince his fon, (who had "full authority from him,) he, or any for him, fhould re"ceive whatever commiffions fhould be defired." That, befides, he expreffed much joy, that his good fubjects would engage themselves for his reftoration. 66 be heard. The king refufing to answer before the high-court of Sentence is upon him, justice, his refufal was taken, according to the laws of Eng. pronounced land, for a confeffion, and fentence of death was paffed upon and he him the 27th of January . A little before his fentence was refufed to pronounced, he earnestly defired to be heard before the two houses, faying, he had fomething of great importance, to VII.p.1418. offer them. But his defire was rejected. It is generally Welwond. believed, he intended to propofe to the parliament, that he Ludlow. would abdicate the crown in favour of his eldest son. Rushworth, cuted. The sentence was executed the 30th of January 1648-9, He is exeRushworth, on a scaffold erected in the street at the windows of the Banqueting-houfe at Whitehall. The king fuffered death VII.p.1428. y The names of those who were prefent, and gave their aflent to the fentence, were as follows: Bradshaw, prefident; Lifle, Say, Cromwell, Ireton, Hardrefle Waller, Bourchier, Heveningham, Pennington, Martin, Purefoy, Barkstead, Thomlinson, Blackiftone, Millington, Constable, Ludiow, Hutchingfon, Lively, Tichbourn, Roe, Lilbourn, Smith, Edwards, Clement, Wogan, Norton, Harvey, Venn, Scot, Andrews, Fleetwood, Mayne, J. Temple, Scroope, Dean, Okey, Hewfon, Goffe, Holland, Carew, Jones, Corbet, Allen, with Pelham, Blagrave, Walton, Harrison, z Two men in difguifes and vizors, CHAR. I. easy to perceive, this charge is founded on the fuppofition 1648-9. of his having been author of a war wherein fo much blood was fpilt. Clarendon, Sincerity, as appears in his hiftory, was not his favourite virtue. He made frequent ufe of mental refervations, concealed in ambiguous terms and general expreffions, of which he reserved the explication at a proper time and place. For this reafon, the parliament could never confide in his promifes, wherein there was always either fome ambiguous term, or some restriction that rendered them useless. This may be faid to be one of the principal caufes of his ruin, becaufe giving thereby occafion of diftruft, it was not poñible to find any expedient for a peace with the parliament. He was thought to act with fo little fincerity in his engagements, that it was believed there was no dependence on his word. The parliament could not even refolve to debate on the king's propofitions, fo convinced were they of his ability to hide his real intentions under ambiguous expreffions. But they fent their own propofitions to the king, with the liberty only of faying content, or not content, fo apprehenfive were they of his explications. But as I may be accused of loading the king too much upon the point of fincerity, I think it incumbent on me, to justify what I have faid, by an unexceptionable evidence. I mean the earl of Clarendon. 6 A law enacted by violence and force, (fays that illuftrious III. p. 335. hiftorian) is not rightfully enacted, was one of thofe pofitions of Ariftotle, which hath never fince been contradicted, and was an advantage, that being well managed, and floutly infifted upon, would, in spite of all their machinations have brought •his majesty's enemies to a temper of being treated with, But I have fome caufe to believe, that even this argument which was unanswerable for the rejecting the bill [for taking away the bishops votes] was applied for the confirming it; and an • opinion, that the violence and force used in procuring it, rendered it abfolutely invalid and void, made the confirmation of it lefs confidered, as not being of frength to make that act good, which was in itself null. And I doubt this logic had an • influence upon other acts of no less moment than these. Let the reader judge after this, if we may boaft of king Charles's fincerity, fince even in paffing acts of parliament, which is the most authentic and folemn promife a king of England can make, he gave his affent, merely in an opinion, that they were void in themselves, and confequently he was not bound by this engagement. I pafs over in filence the manifeft breach of the petition of right, perhaps upon upon the fame principle. and of his many affurances to his CHAR. I. Some accufe him of an inclination for the Roman catho- Though it cannot be proved that he excited the Irish rebellion, it may however be affirmed, it was not against him that the Irish took up arms, fince they never had less cause to complain than in this and the late reign. Befides, the papifts, both Irish and English, always looked upon this prince as their protector, and were ever ready to affift him. Had he fucceeded in his defigns, very likely, the condition of the catholics in England and Ireland, would have been much more happy, and the penal laws in great measure repealed. But it does not follow, that the king himself had any inclination to popery, or intended to eftablifh the Romith religion. In short, that he was a fincere member of the church of England, can hardly be doubted, fince he affirmed it on the fcaffold, at a time when it could be of no service to him to diffemble his belief. Many CHAR. I. Many people give him the firname of martyr, pretending, 1648-9. he fuffered death in maintenance of the truth of the proteftant religion against the prefbyterians and independents, and call the day of his death, which is folemnized yearly on the 30th of January, the day of his martyrdom. But in the first place, there was too great a complication of causes which brought him to this tragical end, to afcribe his death folely to religion. 2. Though it were true that religion was the fole caufe of his death, it would not be universally agreed that he died for defending the truth of the proteftant religion, fince, among proteftants, the English alone, or rather a great part of the English, hold epifcopacy to be a doctrine of faith. 3. Though dying for epifcopacy were really martyrdom, the king in his last proposals at Newport, agreed to reduce epifcopacy to a very small matter. 4. Had he been condemned by the prefbyterians, he might in fome manner be faid to fuffer for epifcopacy. But it is evident the prefbyterians had no fhare in this fentence, nor ever thought of bringing him to a trial. The independents were the men that condemned and executed him, and furely, it was not on any religious account, but to turn the monarchy into a republic. 5. If the fcrivener's evidence be true, king Charles cannot be faid to fuffer death for fupporting religion against the independents, fince, according to the depofition, he offered to grant them all the freedom they fhould defire, if they would but take his part. However this be, the church of England having recovered, in the reign of Charles II. the advantage fhe had loft in that of Charles I. appointed the day of his death to be kept every year with fafting and humiliation, which has caufed fome to give him the glorious title of martyr. To conclude, Charles I. was endued with many virtues and noble qualities. There is even room to believe, that his failings flowed intirely from his defign to enflave England, and if, on fome occafions, he followed not exactly the rules of fincerity, it was only the more eafily to execute what he had undertaken. Without this unfortunate project, he might be reckoned one of the moft accomplished princes that ever has been on the English throne. The duke c D. Welwood mentions thefe particulars, in his character of king Charles, not taken notice of by Rapin. "He was a prince of a comely pre"fence, of a fweet, grave, but me 66 lancholy afpect. His face was re- “plexioned; his body strong, healthy, and well-made; and though of a "low ftature, was capable to endure "the greatest fatigues. He had a "good taffe of learning, and a more "than ordinary fkill in the liberal arts, especially painting, fculpture, architecture, duke of Buckingham, the earl of Strafford, archbishop Laud, CHAR. I. and the queen herself used to a very different government 1648-9. from that of England, were the perfons that ruined this unhappy prince, whom they fo paffionately defired to raise higher than his predeceffors. But who can forbear making. a very natural reflection on this fubject? I mean, upon the punishment of thofe evil counsellors, and of the king himfelf. The duke of Buckingham loft his life by the hands of an affaffin; Laud, Strafford, and the king himself died on the fcaffold, and the queen spent the refidue of her days in a melancholy widowhood, being even flighted by her nearest relations. She lived however long enough to fee the prince her fon's reftoration, but found not in him, all the fatisfaction fhe expected, which doubtlefs was the cause of her return to France, where he died in the year 1669.. <architecture, and medals; he ac"quired the nobleft collection of any "prince in his time, and more than "all the kings of England before him. "He spoke several languages very well, "and with a fingular good grace; "though now and then, when he was By an indenture in the 2d year of king Charles I. a pound weight of gold, of the old ftandard, of twenty three carats, three grains and a half fine, and half a grain allay, was coined into 44 1. 10 s. by tale; namely, into rofe-rials at 30s, a piece; fpur-rials at 15 s. a piece, and angels at Ios. a piece. And a pound weight of crown gold, of twenty-two carats fine, and two carats allay, into 411. by tale; namely, into unites at 208. Double crowns at 10s. or British crowns at 5 s. a piece. And a pound of filver of the old ftandard, of eleven ounces, two-penny weight fine, into fixty-two fhillings by tale; namely, into crowns, half-crowns, fhillings, half-fhillings, two-pences, pence, and half-pence. The gold coins of this king (as appears by the indenture above) are Rofe rials, Spur-rials, Angels, Unites, Double and British crowns. The Rofe-rial has, on one fide, the king's figure in wrought armour, crowned, and holding in his right-hand the fcepter, refting upon his fhoulder; and in his left-hand the ball, CAROLUS. D. G. MAG, BRITAN, FRAN. ET. HIB. REX. Reverfe, under a |