Upon the first article, it was refolved to fend into Ireland CHAR. I. fix thousand foot, four thousand horfe, and five hundred 1647. dragoons; and that the parliament's commiffioners fhould confer with the general concerning the fending thefe forces, Rushworth, and the officers that were to command them. VII. p. 79, 795, 796. Upon the second, it was ordered, there should be main- íd. p. 814. tained in England seven thousand two hundred horfe, eighteen thousand foot, and one thousand dragoons. It was pretended, these forces were continued in England to relieve thofe in Ireland in cafe of need. But it is likely, the army would not bear to be confiderably leffened. Upon the third, it was refolved that all the. fupernumeraries fhould be paid and difmiffed. But these things were executed very flowly by reason of feveral unexpected affairs, of which it will be necessary to fpeak. refolves to His reafons Since the army had thought themselves out of danger The king from the parliament and city, their respect to the king was make his fo diminished, that it was eafy for him to perceive, he had efcape from nothing to expect from them, and that Cromwell had only Hampton. amufed him, the better to accomplish his own defigns. Be-te fides the vifible alteration in the behaviour of those who had for it. the cuftody of him, he had many other proofs of ill defigns against him. In the first place, the army had fent him pri- Ludlow, vately fome propofitions for peace, much worse than thofe T. I. p. 202. prefented to him at Newcastle; but he had rejected them with indignation, which the army very much resented. Secondly, Cromwell had very fharply reproached Afhburn- Clarendon, ham, who was then the king's confident, that notwithstand- III. p. 58, ing the army's regard for his majefty, he had fecretly treated 59. with the commiffioners of Scotland to excite that kingdom against the army. This reproach infpired the king with the more dread, as it was true that he had privately treated with the Scotch commiffioners, though he had concluded nothing with them, and could not conceive how Cromwell came to know it. He was therefore apprehenfive, the army would affaffinate, or poifon him, to free themfelves from the fear of his agreeing with the prefbyterians. On the other hand, 1. p. 57. major Huntington, who had been employed by Cromwell Dugdale's to amuse the king with feveral private meffages, finding at length he had been the inftrument to deceive that unfortunate prince, warned him, that Cromwell was not fincere, a When the propofals were fent to him, he entertained them with very VOL. X. and sharp and bitter language. See Lud- Dd View, p. 263. CHAR. I. and would destroy him if he was not prevented. Shortly 1647. after he threw up his commiffion, and would ferve no longer in the army. Nay, he went farther; for after quitting the Clarendon, fervice, he offered to discover to the parliament, Cromwell's III. p. 58, ill practices, but they would not hearken to him. At laft, the king received private notice every day, by indirect and extraordinary ways, that his enemies had ill defigns, and he ought to take care of himself. 59. Rushworth, Ludlow, &c. Heath. All these things made fuch an impreffion upon him, that Nov. II. he refolved, if poffible, to escape out of the hands of the army. But it was not eafy to determine where to retire. There was no fafety for him in any part of the kingdom. T. I. p. 214, The parliament and city of London were at the army's command, and though the prefbyterians had been able to protect him, all he could expect from them was, that they Clarendon, would not attempt upon his life. So, probably, his intenIII. p. 59. tion was to transport himself beyond the feas. Afhburnham was his only confident, for though he believed Berkley faithful, he had not fo good an opinion of his difcretion, as to trust him with fuch a fecret. This refolution being taken, the king withdrew very early to his chamber, feigning to be indifpofed, and, about one in the morning, went out by the back-stairs, and came with Ashburnham and Legg to the garden gate, where Berkley waited with horses. They rid all night with great fpeed, as well to escape all purfuers, as to get out of the quarters of the army, and in the morning, found themfelves in the New Foreft in Hampshire. Then the king afked Afhburnham, where the hip lay? Afhburnham riding before, as it were to get information, returned in fome little time without any news of the fhip; at which the king feemed very uneafy. Mean while, as it b He delivered in a paper to the houfe of lords, which was read there, containing reasons why he left the army, being a large narrative of the pretended carriages of Cromwell and Ireton, fince the parliament's going to difband the army, in relation to overtures to his majefty. the proceedings against the lords, commons, and aldermen, that were impeached, &c. Ruthworth, Tom. VII. p. 1214. The agitators fufpected, that Cromwell, Ireton, &c. had carried on a private treaty with the king, and accordingly endeavoured to wreft him out of their hands. Of this Cromwell ave the king notice, who thereupon i foived to make his efcape from was not safe for him to ftay in the high-ways, he re- CHAR.[• folved to go to Titchfield, a feat of the earl of Southampton, 1647. where the earl's mother then lived with a small family. There he confulted with his three attendants, where he fhould go. It is faid, Afhburnham was the first to advise him to retire to the isle of Wight, and put himself into the hands of colonel Hammond the governor, who was reckoned a man of honour. He must however have known, that Hammond was Cromwell's creature, by whofe advice he had married a daughter of John Hampden, and who had lately procured him the government of the ifle of Wight. Notwithstanding these reasons, which fhould have diverted Sept. 6. Afhburnham from giving fuch advice, he ceafed not to per- 1647. fuade the king, who after fome objections confented to it, provided Hammond would faithfully promife not to deliver him up, though the parliament or army fhould require him, but to give him his liberty to shift for himself, if he was not able to defend him. Pursuant to this refolution, Afhburnham and Berkley repaired to the isle of Wight, to talk with the governor, who feemed very much furprifed f when they told him, the king was efcaped from Hampton-court, and was willing to truft his perfon in his hands, upon the forementioned terms. His answer was, he would do the king all the service that lay in his power; but as he was an inferior officer, he could not promife to difobey his fuperiors in what they fhould pleafe to command him. After fome fruitless endeavours to obtain a promise from him, he asked where the king was? They told him, he was not very far off, and at laft, after fome time spent in debate, it was agreed, he fhould go with them to the king. So they all three went together to Titchfield, and, at their arrival, Hammond stayed below, and Ashburnham went up to the king's chamber, to acquaint him that Hammond was in the houfe, but had not made any promife. Whereupon the king ced out, O Jack, thou haft undine me! With which Afhburnham falling into a great paffion of weeping, offered to go down and kill Hammond, but the king would not confent to it. In fhort, the king fending for Hammond, endeavoured to perfuade him to promife not to deliver him up, but Hammond ftill perfifted in his first anfwer. Then the king, not knowing where to go elfe, and confidering there was now perhaps no poffible way to get from him, as he had the command of the country, and could call in what help he pleafed, f He grew pale, and fell into fuch a trembling, that it was thought he Dd 2 would have fallen from his hotfe. Ind- CHAR. I. pleafed, refolved to go with him to the isle of Wight. He 1647. was conducted to Carifbrook-caftle, where Hammond received him with his attendants, with all demonftrations of respect . Remark on the king's flight. T. III. T. III. P. 62. When a man confiders all the circumftances of the king's flight, he can fcarce forbear thinking, he was betrayed on this occafion. His defign was to go beyond fea, fince he asked where the fhip lay, but there was no fhip ready; which was fo great an overfight, that Afhburnham can hardly be thought to commit it through negligence or imprudence. Afhburnham is not fatisfied with propofing to the king to trust himself with Hammond, a creature of Cromwell's, who, according to major Huntington's information, had refolved to deftroy him, but even puts him under the neceffity of confiding in him, though he refused to promise him protection. And yet, the lord Clarendon fays very pofitively, he does not believe the king was betrayed by Afhburnham, nor did his majefty ever entertain the leaft jealoufy of it. All therefore that can be faid in favour of this confident of the king, is what the lord Clarendon hints, I mean, That he was outwitted by Cromwell, who by fome one of his emiffaries perfuaded him, it should prove for his majesty's benefit, and his business be the fooner done, that he fhould withdraw to the isle of Wight. If this were fo, Afhburnham, probably, thinking himself more able than the king, had a 'mind to ferve him, whether he would or no, and not to be forced to answer the king's objections, believed to do him a service in concealing the fecret, and putting him under an abfolute neceffity to take a course, which, in his opinion, was not the most proper. In that case, if it be not treachery, it is at least the greatest presumption and rashness a subject can poffibly be guilty of to his prince. It is not eafy to guefs the reafons that could induce Ashburnham to imagine the king would be fafe in the ifle of Wight. It is to be prefumed, he was deceived himself, and his eafinefs abused, to caufe him to credit general promises, which fignified nothing, and of which he durft not afterwards complain. Suppofing no treachery in what he did, probably, his eafinefs to be deceived, procured him afterwards a very favourable and much lower than ufual compofition, which greatly contributed to increase the fufpicions already conceived of him. g The parliament allowed him five theufand pounds for his expences there. His houfhold was all dif The folved. Rushworth, Tom. VII. p、 $76. The parliament was informed of the king's escape by a CHAR. I. letter from Cromwell, who gave the firft notice of it, but 1647. without faying where the king was, though in all appearance The king's he knew very well. He alfo fent a letter, which the king letter to had left upon the table in his room, directed to both houfes. both houfes He faid in this letter, Rushworth, Heath. left upon his "That liberty being in all times the aim and defire of table. "all men, he had endeavoured to obtain his. He called VII. p. 871. "God to witness, with what patience he had endured a Whitelock. ❝tedious restraint, among men who changed their princi"ples with their condition; who were not ashamed openly to intend the deftruction of the nobility, by taking away "their negative voice, and with whom the levellers doctrine "was rather countenanced than punished: That he thought "he was bound, as well by natural as political obligation, "to feek his fafety, by retiring himself for fome time from "the public view, both of his friends and enemies; but "fhould earnestly and unceffantly endeavour the fettling_of "a fafe and well-grounded peace wherever he was. Fi"nally, he defired to be heard with freedom, honour, and fafety, and then he would inftantly break through his "cloud of retirement, and fhow himself ready to be pater "patriæ." fearch to be London. The parliament at firft believed, the king was come to The parliaconceal himself in London, till he fhould find an opportu- ment caufe nity to escape out of the kingdom. They even gave orders made for to fearch after, and stop his perfon. But this uncertainty did the king in not last long. On the 15th of November, the earl of Man- Clarendon,' chefter, speaker of the house of lords, received a letter from III. p. 65. colonel Hammond, informing him, that the king, from an Rushworth, apprehenfion of his life being in danger at Hampton-court,874. VII. p. 872 was come into the ifle of Wight, to put himself under his protection. levellers were. The king, as may be obferved, fpeaks in his letter of the principles of the levellers, which I think incumbent upon me to explain. There had been for fome time a new fac- Who the tion in the army, called levellers, that is, men who declared, "That all degrees of perfons should be levelled, and an "equality established both in titles and estates, throughout "the kingdom h." This was a doctrine, much like that of Wat Tyler's followers in the reign of Richard II. This Clarendon faction was grown fo ftrong, that they began to make the 1. p.6 h According to fome, they only maintained, That no perfon, of whater rank, ought to be exempted from Dd 3 general the ordinary courfe of legal proceedings. 67. |