more than he supposes. It is known what he does in his room, to whom he writes, how he sends his letters, what persons he receives, the hours when he receives them, and what he says to them; yes, everything is known."* When these words were reported to Charles Albert, some months afterwards, he inferred, since his minister of police had permitted him, without informing him of it, to be surrounded by spies, he must himself be one of the number.

The number of executions, chiefly of persons of the lowest class, which followed during the first years of the Austrian occupation of the Legations, will long be remembered by the inhabitants with horror. These executions are regularly announced in placards, signed by the Austrian 'civil and military governor' of the town where they take place. At Bologna, the first was that of Padre Bassi, who was shot within twenty-four hours after he was taken. His fate excited great sympathy. He was a Barnabite friar, a man of ardent temperament, who may have been guilty of imprudent acts, but he suffered solely because he was present in the camp of the army which resisted the Austrians, where he preached to the soldiers, and was unwearied in his exertions for the wounded and dying. But we cannot better sum up this part of the subject than by an extract from the Piemonte' of March, 1856, during the period that it was edited by Farini, the historian.

'The greater number of Italians are governed far worse than those eastern populations to whom the laws of civilization are about to be given. We have governments who break international treaties, who do not fulfil their promises, who sow the seeds of hatred, revenge, and corruption, and keep Europe in continual danger of new revolutions. Austria confiscates the property of Sardinian subjects: it is thus she would teach the peoples to respect the rights of property. Austria constructs fortresses on the Piacentine territory, and so menaces Piedmont, by way of protecting the boundary states; she makes political arrests in Parma and in the Legations, and carries the prisoners to her dungeons in Lombardy, thus proclaiming to all Italy that she is the true mistress of the duchies and the Legations. Austria administers torture in their prisons; of this thousands and thousands of proofs can be given, and it is thus she teaches civilization. The court of Rome promises fair to diplomatists and to the public, but she never yet kept her word; and thus teaches the nations to be true to their engagements.'

greatest which press upon the Papal Government. According to a statement prepared by Dr. Bowring, in 1838, from official information, the annual deficit was 654,000 scudi. But the expenses of the foreign troops, which at the period Dr. Bowring wrote, amounted to 6000 men, at a calculated cost of 400,000 scudi, are not included. The number and the outlay have since greatly increased, and the sum paid by the state to the armies of occupation, from 1849 up to the close of 1855, is stated by M. Galli as amounting to 6,000,000 scudi. Even this shows but a part of the burthen. Handsomely furnished apartments for the officers, fuel for the army, carriages to be kept at the call of the superior officers, are all provided by the towns where the Austrians are quartered. There are various other expenses which do not appear in the returns, but they press very heavily on the people, and every class suffers grievously except officials, contractors, and all who wear the priestly garment.

The state of the treasury, and the abuses in the disposal of the funds, were supposed to be the reason why a Consulta was formed at Rome, in 1852, and which continued its inquiries for some months during each succeeding year. Some of its members were men of integrity and patriotism, and their labours, it was thought, would have led to beneficial results, had their recommendations been adopted, but they have been hitherto disregarded, and affairs take their usual ruinous course. It is asserted in the Cimento,' a journal published at Turin every fortnight, that the additional taxes imposed, after the Restoration in 1849, joined to other sources of revenue, produced during the six years, from July

1849, till the close of 1855, the sum of 29,482,053 scndi. Of this it is alleged only 8,000,000 are accounted for, and 6,000,000 of the sum are absorbed by the foreign occupation. But it is vain to attempt to unravel the financial mysteries of the Papal Government. One thing at least is certain, that its pecuniary embarrassments are great, and that it has recourse to the most pernicious methods of relieving them. The lottery, which has been abolished in other countries from the moral evils it produced, is cherished by the Vicar of Christ on account of its profits. It is farmed like everything else, and leads of course to extensive gambling and ruin. The desperate necessities of the Government, and the oppressive methods it takes to supply them, are

Financial difficulties are among the above all shown in the measures adopted

Ibid. vol. iii. p. 118.

in 1854, when the deficient vintage affected the revenue. It raised the duties on foreign

wines, already rendered greatly dearer by pofficials. Favouritism will reign supreme, the diminished supply, and ordered 350,000 and the worst men will constantly be found scudi to be paid by the parishes on ac- in the most important posts. When Carcount,' as the edict stated, of the misfor- dinal Albani came to Bologna, he dismissed tune which had befallen the home produce the public assessor, to appoint a venal of the grape. Such is the Papal financial lawyer who sold justice in the most open logic which mulcts its subjects in 350 000 manner. He in like manner nominated to scudi, because they are already suffering the Presidency of the Criminal Court a from a bad vintage. person who had been dismissed from a Large sums are spent upon spies and in similar situation in Ferrara in consequence providing pensions for unworthy creatures of the complaints of the entire province. of the Government whose ill conduct has No sooner was he installed than the exbeen proved. In the time of Pius VII. penses of the court were tripled for his the very robbers and murderers of the advantage. During the revolution at BoCampagna were pensioned. Some of the logna, in 1831, it was ascertained that he annuitants who have succeeded them were had received a certain sum from the prison not much more deserving. The Marquis contractors for every prisoner. Yet no Nunez, the prefect of police at Bologna, sooner was the Papal power re-established imprisoned Rovere, a lawyer, and some than he was appointed a judge in the Court others, on the pretext of a conspiracy. He of Appeal, at Macerata. In a country like produced a criminal from one of the pri- our own, where the utmost freedom of disTE sons who pretended that he was a party to cussion is established, it is difficult to prethe plot. The evidence of this man, sup- vent the grossest jobs from being perpeported by other false witnesses, was ad-trated. It may readily be imagined what duced against Rovere and his companions, kind of license prevails in a state where to but they proved an alibi, and the court job is an hereditary privilege of power, and was convinced of the complete falsehood criticism is a crime. of the accusations. They were set at The restrictions upon the press are comliberty, but were not allowed to institute plete. Every fragment, from the most an inquiry into the foul plot by which it profound scientific treatise down to the was endeavoured to destroy them, for fear most trifling sonnet, published, according of involving the Marquis Nunez. Rovere to the Italian custom, on a single sheet of went mad from the agitation, and his young paper, in honour of a birth, a marriage, or wife died of grief. The Marquis was re- a death, must pass under the review of called to Rome, where he was consoled by five separate censors. The last of these is a pension of 1200 crowns. The notorious the Inquisition. Imagination, learning, and prelate Pacca received a large pension after reason, can find no expression under such his evil deeds compelled him to fly from a system. It is impossible, without expeRome, a flight connived at by the Govern- rience of it, to credit the frivolity, the ment. He had long been remarkable for ignorance, and the folly of many of the his profligate life, and the disgraceful uses persons who are the official judges of the he made of his power as governor of the literary labours of their countrymen; and capital. The complaints against him were as no one attempts to publish anything loud and deep, and he was forbidden to which could favour progress or freedom, it visit the prisons of St. Michael, the scene is, indeed, chiefly in trifles that the censors of many of his evil deeds. He was conti- have an opportunity of displaying their nued, nevertheless, in his office of governor, discretion. In a satirical little poem was till having been detected in forging orders a line which spoke of a king who made a on the treasury, he thought it expedient somerset down from his throne.' The noto fly. tion excited horror. 'No such words should In truth the Roman Government, in a be applied to a sovereign; they suggest multiplicity of instances, does not seek to bad ideas to the people In a sonnet on prevent corruption among its servants, for envy, it was stated that the passion was they are often so poorly paid that it is in- everywhere-in the camp, in the palace, evitable to allow them to remunerate them- and in the cloister. The word cloister was selves as they can. Bribery begins with effaced by the censor. The theatres are the lowest grades, and you cannot be in- great objects of attraction in Italy, but the troduced to the audience of a prelate or a same restraint is imposed. A dramatic aucardinal without giving vails to his ser- thor put into the mouth of one of his pervants. Where corruption is a system and sonages the phrase, Order the carriage.' public responsibility is excluded, no regardThe expression must be changed,' said will be paid to character in the choice of the censor; to order is for priests alone.'

6

An actor accustomed to perform at Turin | States, their Government has this adforgot that he was speaking in the Papal vantage over our own: it says the first States, and used some forbidden word, such word to the public. It prepares its case, as patria' or 'libertà.' He was arrested by the police and ordered to pay a fine, or go to prison. He accepted the latter alternative, and was shut up for three weeks. In the Puritani' the word 'loyalty' is invariably substituted for liberty,' though it makes nonsense of the passages.

arranges its papers, promulgates its views for months before either America or England is made acquainted with a counterstatement. Notions become thus rooted in the public mind of both countries, but more especially the former; party passions strengthen and inflame them; politicians commit themselves to a pre-judgment, and when the English side of the case tardily creeps forth it is often too late to correct the fallacies which with large numbers of men have already become convictions. Nor is this all. Statements produced bit by bit have the vivacity of a serial publication, and give to each instalment the freshness of news: their contents, brought into brief compass, are largely and eagerly read, hit the moment, and dwell long in the recollection. On the contrary, when the English case appears, it is in the shape of a cumbrous blue-book, extending often over a correspondence of years, swollen by matter tedious and obsolete, yet necessary to the complete understanding of points urged by the antagonist. Few will read all, fewer still will remember half.

In

The enumeration of some of the ordinary abuses of the system in operation gives a faint idea of the extent of the evil and the irritation it produces. The acts which are quoted as examples appear comparatively petty in their isolation; it is the repetition of them which constitutes their chief aggravation, and no one who has not been a subject of the Pope can adequately realise the suffering and degradation which they produce. Do not reproach us for our many faults,' exclaims an eloquent Italian, but rather wonder that, having lived so many years under such a dominion, we do not walk on all-fours.' Nor can we perceive that there is any immediate hope of a remedy. If, on the withdrawal of the armies of occupation, the Pope were truly to be left to his own resources, he could not long remain indifferent to the remon- future, should we unhappily be again instrances of his people; but the moment volved in discussion with our quick and that danger threatens, the Austrian troops impressionable kinsmen, we earnestly adwill re-appear at Bologna, and the yoke will jure our Ministers, whomsoever they may be rendered more intolerable than before. be, to withhold from the American GovernThose who wish best to Italy will counsel ment the monopoly of advantages so conpatience and submission. Any attempt at spicuous. Let them depart from the a revolution would instantly be quenched orthodox custom of inert procrastination. in blood, and be more likely to retard than Let argument be met by argument, fact by accelerate a change. The true policy of fact, before the public is left to make up her leaders is to continue to enlighten its mind on partial evidences. Let them Europe on the condition of the country; remember that partial evidences engender and when the active sympathies of the jobdurate prejudices; that where prejudices constitutional powers have been won, the first favourable conjunction of circumstances will secure their intercession, and Italy may become under happier auspices the child of that civilization of which she was formerly the parent.

ART. VII-1. Correspondence with the
United States respecting Central America.
Printed by order of Parliament. London,

1856.

2. Papers relative to the Recruiting in the United States. Printed by order of Parliament. London, 1856.

are obdurate, reasonings become feeble; and popular passion gathers and concentres until there is too frequently no option between concession to its strength or resistance to its menace. The grave con. sequences that might have resulted-nay, that may result yet-from the misunderstanding upon the territorial questions affecting Central America, prove the extreme danger of suffering one-sided evidence to be placed at the disposal of a democratic government, whenever it serves its purpose to mislead the judgment and arouse the passions of a democracy. The statements which Mr. Buchanan compiled from the instructions of his Government, published in a cheap form, read universally in America and circulated freely in England-statements not only contesting the

IN diplomatic disputes with the United views of our Government, but formally

impeaching the honour and good faith of at Belize. 3rd. The British claim or title to Ruatan and the Bay Islands.

By far the most immediately important and perilous of these disputes is the first. Our claim to the Mosquito protectorate is involved in the revolutionary state of affairs in Nicaragua. The territory occupied by these Indians is formally claimed by General Walker in the name of the Nicaraguan Republic; that claim is open

our nation for a long series of years-could never have deceived the sober sense of the United States or gained credence with any section of honest Englishmen, had our Ministers not permitted them so long to remain without reply; and when at last emerges from the shades of the Foreign Office the uninviting form of the customary Blue Book, we see with regret that the true reply is often not to be found in the mildly backed by the American Government. counter-statements of Lord Clarendon, but is to be hunted out through a mass of dry correspondence or historical detail, and arranged by a patience and acumen which are not to be expected from an ordinary reader. Never was the case of a nation so strong as ours in this dispute, never, owing to unscrupulous assertions on the one side, to the courteous desire to wave irritating argument on the other, was the case of a nation less decidedly set forth.

Now that negotiations are again to be huddled out of sight, and are to pass in the tenebrose concealment of our Foreign Office, until we may learn their result, either in angry rupture on a verbal technicality, or unconditional surrender, not only of empire but of honour, we will at least seek to place before our countrymen a correct view of their own case, and before the people of the United States an ample vindication, less of the arguments of our Government than of the sincerity and good faith of our nation. Errors of judgment in a Government find denouncers and defenders heard to-day and forgotten to-morrow. But if a nation be guilty of violated engagements and perfidious usurpations the stigma survives the charge. It does not pass away with the fleeting administration which may plead against the indictment on behalf of posterity-it rests upon the character which history assigns to the successive races linked into the deathless unity of a people. Such is the accusation against England, deliberately made by the American Cabinet. We undertake her defence and are assured of her acquittal.

Our readers are aware that the disputes concerning Central America have grown ostensibly out of the interpretation to be given to a Treaty, made April 19th, 1850, for the purpose of facilitating the construction of a canal and other inter-oceanic communications across Central America; and yet the disputes relate to points with which, as we shall see later, that Treaty was only incidentally connected, viz.-1st. The protection Great Britain affords to the Indian tribe of the Mosquitos. 2nd. The extent and nature of the British settlement

American citizens flock in hundreds to the support of General Walker; American vessels convey them. A chance shot may rend asunder the parchment in which negotiators are discussing a clause. If blood be once shed, what statesman can arrest its flow?

It is therefore absolutely essential that we should unequivocally decide the question raised by the United States Government. Have we, or have we not, the right to protect the Mosquitos? and out of this question grows another far more important-granting that we have the right, is our honour, as a nation, peremptorily bound to assert it-until we can obtain an adequate guarantee for the security of those whom, otherwise, it would be a disgrace and a treason to abandon?

Mr. Buchanan is deputed by Mr. Marcy to maintain,-1st. That we never, at any period in history, were connected with the Mosquitos as an ally whom we were bound to protect. 2nd. If ever we were, that the right and the obligation to protect them were permanently abolished by a convention with Spain in 1786, by which we agreed to evacuate the Mosquito territory. 3rd. That if, despite the Convention of 1786, we did find iniquitous pretexts to resume the Protectorate, we relinquished it for ever by the commercial treaty of 1850. To all these assertions we address ourselves, and we shall do what our Government has not done: all these assertions, one after the other, we shall overthrow.

Our connexion with the Mosquito tribe followed close upon our conquest of Jamaica, under Cromwell, in 1656. Within four years from that event we established a settlement on the eastern coast of Yucatan, principally for the purpose of cutting logwood; and Belize (which name is a corruption from that of Wallis, a Scotchman, who first established himself there by the assent of the natives) became our headquarters. At that time there prevailed along the coast of the isthmus now called! Central America a powerful and indepen-. dent Indian tribe, the Moscos, an appellation elongated, without much gain of digni-

fied euphony, into that of Mosquitos. This to, the Mosquitos were not allies to whom tribe, surrounded by others which acknow- we had contracted any binding obligations. ledged an authority in its chief, had never Nay,' says Mr. Marcy, with solemn embeen conquered by old Spain, had never phasis, nothing can be more fatal than this ceded to old Spain an inch of territory, or debate to the pretensions now set up by a pretext of dominion. On this fact concur Great Britain for herself and the Mosquito all traditions of the country-all early Indians.' The Parliamentary discussion writers by whom the country is described. that thus summarily disposes of the honour Even Juarros, the Spanish chronicler, of England and the existence of her ally speaks of the territory held by the Mos- is upon a motion made by Lord Rawdon quitos as occupied by Indians unconvert- condemnatory of our convention with Spain ed-that is, by Indians unconquered and for the cession of the Mosquito territory untamed; in the language of Spanish in the previous year; and Mr. Buchanan, chroniclers conversion and conquest are but obeying the instructions of his Government, synomyms. It was indeed the intense accordingly declares, in his statement to abhorrence which these warlike remnants Lord Clarendon, that in that debate Lord of the reign of Montezuma felt for the op- Thurloe abundantly justified the Ministry, pressors of their race that united them at and proved that the Mosquitos were not once with us in hostility against Spain. our allies, were not a people we were bound Early in the reign of Charles II. a Mos- to protect.' The instant Lord Thurloe was quito chief came to Jamaica, and placed cited as a Parliamentary authority in a himself and his people under the protection question of evidence and proof, we felt suof the King of England. The governor of premely safe. An American statesman is Jamaica accepted the offer. From that certainly not bound to know the moral day to this these Indians never have violat- characteristics of our departed lawyers. ed a compact made with England. The But any instructed Englishman might have question now raised is, whether humanity warned Mr. Buchanan that the authority and honour permit us so to violate the of Lord Thurloe was the last that, upon all compact which, it will be presently shown, questions in which Party was the client we have made with them, and never yet and Parliament the court, a prudent arguer rescinded, as to consign them to the inevi- would be advised to adduce. In the genetable fate of extermination by those whom ral opinion of his contemporaries no Par we encouraged them to resist. liamentary debater equalled Lord Thurloe In the earlier stages of our connexion in combining audacity of assertion with with the Mosquitos we assisted in the ad- negligence of fact. Lord Brougham says ministration of affairs in their territory of the burly Chancellor's mode of debating through the agency of justices of the peaceIt was a vamped up, delusive, and almost sent thither from Jamaica; in 1740 we in- fraudulent oratory.' stalled an officer as superintendent, erected a fort at our station at Black River, mounted cannon there, and hoisted the English flag. A brief summary of the facts here stated will be found in Macgregor's Commercial Tariffs,' Part 17, compiled from official documents in our Board of Trade and Plantations, and published before any disputes with the United States had occurred. But the American Government, having taken up the strange position that the Mosquito protectorate has been from first to last a fiction and a sham,' denies even the genuine antiquity of this connexion, of which we have just traced the origin and confirmation. In a despatch to Mr. Buchanan from Mr. Marcy, dated July 2, 1853, and comprising the preliminary instructions that were to guide the diplomatic Minister then just sent to St. James's, the American Secretary of State tells Mr, Buchanan to insist upon a debate in the House of Lords, March 27, 1787 as a conclusive proof that, even at the early period we have referred

Such is the authority selected by the American Government and diplomacy. Now for the debate that it adorned. This resuscitated discussion awakened from its peaceful grave, in 'Debrett's Parliamentary Register,' rose before our eyes to reveal the past and direct the future. It is as we had suspected. The ghostly oracle invoked by the antagonist becomes a witness on our side. True that Lord Thurloe is generally reported to have gone into the history of the Mosquito settlement from 1650 (a mistake to begin with, since four years before the conquest of Jamaica we had no settlement there at all), deducing arguments from the facts he mentioned to prove that Mo-quito could not fairly be called a British settlement;' and he subsequently alleged that the Mosquitos were not our allies, not a people we were bound by treaty to protect;' but of the proofs themselves upon which Lord Thurloe rested those arguments, and those assertions, proofs which Mr. Buchanan implies to have