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per transmitted 49 parts, and thin post 62.* Our author next proceeds to the consideration of the theory lately advanced by some English philosophers, respecting the calorific and de-oxidizing solar rays. Of this he is an unbe liever, and of course is very brief. He has mentioned neither the names, nor the experiments of Herschell, Wollaston, Ritter, and Englefield; and he dismisses the subject almost without comment, with this single observation, that it is too complex to be true' !

We shall now present our readers with Dr.Ewell's own theory of colours. He observes, that, our ideas of the colour of bodies appear to depend solely on the peculiar modification or motion of light given by the reflective surfaces. These reflective surfaces probably receive their respective powers, in consequence of peculiarities in their mechanism or organization.' Upon the supposition, that light is a homogeneous body, which it seems is the idea of our author, we can conceive of no other physical alteration it may undergo, by its appulsion on a hard body, than some change in the figure of its particles. But we have no proof, that this change of form does take place, nor that the surfaces of bodies are capable of producing this effect. We cannot conceive that colour should depend on any peculiar mechanism of matter. All the particles, how ever small, of a substance, when aggregated must form a mass, whose reflective surfaces are at least equal in number to the molecules of that body. Now each of these, we presume, is a plane surface with regard to the incidence of the rays of light; consequently, in what

Leslie on heat, p. 445-6. +Nicholson's Philosophical Journal Vol. IV. No. 3.

ever mode these surfaces are ar ranged, they can only reficct the light in an angle equal to that of incidence, which, thus reflected, may strike on other surfaces, and be reflected ad infinitum without any change of properties, and at length will reach the eye, where they will excite sensations differing, not in nature, but only in intensity. It will be evident to all, that a difference of motion of the rays of light can only excite corresponding stronger or weaker impressions on the retina, and consequently that these can be followed by perceptions only of different degrees or quantities of light. In support of his opinion, our author brings as proofs, that coloured liquids vary in colour as their position, with regard to the eye, is altered; and, 2, the appearance which the clouds present before the rising, and after the setting, of the sun. It is unnecessary, we presume, to take up more of the time of our readers in answering these objections. We have already exceeded the limits of a common review, and have reason to fear that it has become as tedious as a "tale twice told." We shall, therefore, finish the subject of light, by noticing another hypothesis of Dr. Ewell, on the agency of this substance in the production of the yellow fever. We mean not to enter on the discussion of its merits. It will be sufficient to observe, that from the nature of light, it appears inadequate to the effects ascribed to it in this theory, and that the phenomena can be more rationally explained on the principle of the action of caloric on putrescent animal and vegetable substances. It remains for us, therefore, only to advert to the two other unconfinable substances, electricity and galvanism. We could not help admiring the lucid manner in which

our author defines the latter. GalVanism,' says he, resembling, in a few of its properties, the electrick fluid, is one lately and accidentally discovered by an Italian, and which is generally termed galvanism, or animal electricity.' In fewer words, galvanism is a fluid, generally termed galvanism!

Under the head of electricity Dr. Ewell attempts to account for the production of light, during the passage of the electrick fluid from one conductor to another, or from the clouds to the earth, by supposing that the latter diminishes or destroys the capacity of the air for the former. He quotes no authority in support of his opinion, nor does he mention the names of any of those philosophers, from whom he probably first received it. Indeed, from the manner in which it is introduced, his readers might be disposed to believe, that he was the person, in whom it first originated. Now Mr. Berthollet was the first, who attempted to account for the evolution of light and caloric from substances, acted upon by the electrick fluid, by supposing, that their capacities for these elements were very much diminished in consequence of the sudden and violent compression of their particles.* This idea was more fully developed in a paper, read to the National Institute of France, by M. Biot, which has since been translated and re-published in Nicholson's Philosophical Journal. It was afterwards noticed by the editor of this periodical publication, and séems to have attracted the attention of Mr. Leslie, who had even written an essay on the subject, though it was never published.§

Berthollet's Chemical Staticks.
Vol. 12. p. 212.
Vol. 13. p. 89-90.
Leslie on Heat. Note 17.

This theory is plausible and ingenious; but there is one strong objection, which is, that the luminous spark often appears stationary on the point of the conductor, and in that situation it is apparently as brilliant, as when moving with great velocity through the air. In this state, it is difficult to conceive, that the air should be so forcibly compressed, as to lose its capacity, and consequently evolve the light and caloric, with which it was combined.

We have thus finished the review of those simple elementary substances, which are termed by Dr. Ewell, on the authority of Thompson and Fourcroy, unconfinable. We have been more diffuse in our examination from a belief, that they contained much false theory and incorrect statement, and this is the only apology we have to offer for our prolixity. In our next number we shall finish our observations on this work by considering its more immediate object, the application of the principles of chemistry to domestick affairs or to those arts, on which the ease and comfort of society essentially depend.

[To be continued.]

ᎪᎡᎢ. 11.

The Wanderer of Switzerland, and other Poems, By James Montgomery. Boston Greenough, Stebbins, & Hunt, and J. F. Fletcher. 1807. 18mo. pp. 177.

WE claim some regard for having first brought this beautiful collection from the solitary corner of a shop into general notice, by publishing some of the shorter odes in our poetical department. The Muses of England do not often utter sweeter notes, than these, combining the simplicity of Burns

with the tenderness of Rogers. Those, who have been delighted with The Daisy,' The SnowDrop,' The Lyre,' and The Grave,' extracted into several numbers of the Anthology for the last year, will purchase this little volume with readiness. We easily discern, that the author is little versed in the writings of his brother bards, and perhaps wholly igno rant of the works of antiquity; but, if his natural taste has not yet been cultivated to the utmost, we find, perhaps on that very account, more of originality of thought and simplicity of language. The first poem is pathetick, almost beyond whatever our language can boast in its ancient or modern ballads. However animating may have been the strains of Tyrtæus, of whom Horace tells,

...........manes animos in Martia bella
Versibus exacuit,.........

we cannot believe, they would bear the palm from the Battle of Alexandria.' The Remonstrance to Winter' contains the only verse in the volume, eminently exposed to

censure.

'Spring, the young cherubim of love,
An exile in disgrace,
Flits o'er the scene, like NOAH's dove,
Nor finds a resting place.'

Without a knowledge of Hebrew, the author might have learned, that our best writers use cherubim' only in the plural number. The offence against prosody, in the third line, is grating to the ear, and justifiable by no example. The beautiful thought, in this passage, will always be degraded by this mistake of quantity; but this single fault ought to be forgotten in the general harmony of the verses. The poem, which pleases all, must possess intrinsick merit. Montgomery is

defective, like all our great poets, in some matters of inferiour importance; but he has a magnificence of imagery, and a dignity of sentiment, that few have equalled. He has the life-giving stamina of originality, and will be numbered, by after ages, in the ranks of genius.

Ollis igneus vigor, cœlestisque origo.

VIRG. They have a fiery force, and their ori gin is from heaven.

ART. 12.

Economica: a statistical manual for the United States of America. By Samuel Blodget, Esq. Printed at Washington. 1806. 8vo.

AS the profession of a statesman is generally the ambition of few, the science of finance, which regulates the publick revenue and expenditures, and the interesting study of political economy, have been but little attended to, and but partially understood. When it is considered, that the publick treasury is filled by contributions from all classes of citizens, in different proportions, and in various forms, an investigation of the principles of accumulation must and progress be acknowledged highly important.

He

A wise statesman, however, will not confine himself to the mechanical business of levying and receiving taxes, and expending them for the support of government. will rather create new channels of industry, and open new fields for the employment of useful labour, and all his exertions will be to change the unproductive labour of his fellow-citizens, for more valuable employments. For this pur pose, he will naturally turn his attention to manufactures, internal

navigation, and other subjects,tend ing to facilitate land or water transportation.

The Economica seems to have been undertaken with a laudable zeal to excite inquiries concerning such subjects, and had the work been more conformable to the titie, or, which would have been less difficult, the title better adapted to the work, its aspect would have been less deceptive, and the reader less disappointed.

The author's plan is displayed in a letter to a young member of congress, in which he gives his own system of legislation, and earnestly calls upon the representatives to pay more attention to their duty, and modestly intreats all our young legislators to forget, at least for the time of their session, a part of their extreme locality; and to fancy, if possible, the apron-string of COLUMBIA as natural a tie to their affections, as that of an amiable mother or a beloved wife.'

Having long been engaged in statistical studies, and enjoying many opportunities of acquiring authentick data, the writer might have compiled a very valuable set of tables, with more ease and convenience to himself, and more entertainment and instruction to his readers, if he had devoted less time to legislation, and confined his ingenious speculations to the pursuits of political econo

my.

But legislation is not his fort. In page 18 he says,

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they have always been found necessary for the maintenance of government, and all the ingenuity and wisdom of ancient or modern legislation have not been able to free the people from paying them, either in the form of imposts, duties, excises, customs, or subsidies, &c. Since taxation therefore, under one form or another, is the inevitable result of the social compact, an enlightened government should endeavour to render it light as possible, explaining the mode in which it is accomplished; although, at the same time, it may be always good policy to impose some direct taxes, that the people may not forget their occasional necessity. If, instead of this, we admit the odiousness of expense, and then, with a kind of state legerdemain, contrive to conceal its imaginary deformity, and create a revenue by a course of smuggling, we give occasion to jealousy and discontent, and all the evils which a dark and mysterious policy begets, but which an open and undisguised system of measures can alone avoid.

Next to the prefatory, address the author presents us with a brief chronological detail of interesting facts, relative to the discov ery and progress of the American states;' with the constitution, and a statistical table of the population and general wealth of the union. This table consists of 6 pages, which serves as the text for 130 pages of notes, without any division, arrangement, or very intelligible application. Many valuable tables are interspersed among the notes, which form admirable resting places to the reader; and the occasional extracts from other authors, frees his mind from the perplexities and confusion in which the long periods, obscure senten

ces, and inconclusive reasoning of consequences directly the reverse the writer, involves him.

In page 81, in note B. he says,

Another law, for each and every state, would have an excellent tendency to extend neat husbandry,...viz. After the year ****, no citizen, or single freeholder, should hold more than **** cres in any one county or state.'

a

This, to be sure, might assist 'neat husbandry,' but does not seem calculated to preserve neat liberty. The impolicy and absurdity of such a law, requires no comment; and when he proceeds to state the impending dangers of over-grown landholders, we want better evidence than he has yet adduced.— He says,

'If it be true, that all republicks are finally ruined by the monopoly and tyranny of their over-grown landlords, we cannot be too well guarded against the danger in the older counties of the several states. All this will occur in due time, or an Agrarian must be the consequence, as in times of antiquity, unless the minor republicks, or monied associations, and generally commercial habits, should secure and perpetuate the glorious freedom of America.'

From this passage we may infer, that the writer entertains a comfortable hope, that, in due time,' the republick will be in danger of being overthrown by the power and influence of land-holders; but as

of those the author contemplates.

After having represented the attachment which the Romans manifested for their capital city, and the enthusiastick love the French bear to Paris; after relating the lamentable sacrifice, made in the sale of publick lots at Washington, in tion of congress, to the project of 1802; and after calling the attenopening canals and turnpike-roads from the seat of government, in radial lines, to all parts of the union, he thus addresses them :

Fathers of the American people! be assured of this sacred truth! until you can agree, with heart and hand, to love THE HEART OF OUR UNION, the people will never respect their HEAD."

To love with the heart is natural enough; but when love becomes so intense as to require the assistance of the hands, the lover is in a deplorable situation. We must confess, this apostrophe seemed a little strange at first, but the author has informed us in the prefatory address, that he owned several hundred house lots in the city of Washington:

Felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere

causas.

We cannot acknowledge the great utility of a national debt, which the his work is intended for the United advantageous. His ideas of pubauthor appears to think so highly States, he either reasons wrongly, lick loans, for the purpose of esor he forgets the innumerable acres in the western states, yet un-ed on an imaginary basis, and cantablishing publick credit, are foundoccupied, together with the unexplored and unknown territory of Louisiana. If any republick can be in danger from the land-holders, and such an opinion is not authorised by the history of any country, it must be a small one, and very populous; but, in a country where so much land remains unimproved, an Agrarian law would produce

not have the effect of increasing the confidence in government. In page 82, he shortly states the advances we make in population, and proposes, by foreign loans, to increase our numbers to such a pitch as to defy foreign invasion :

We repeat, that our population increases at least 3 per cent. by an annual

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