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in war, for preservation from plague and pestilence, for bishops again, and curates, for rain, for fair weather, and for relief in dearth and famine; then there follow eighty-four things, which they call collects, wherein many holy saints are remembered on certain peculiar days; and, though we can justly find nothing but what is agreeable to God's word in the whole liturgy, yet the purity of our singular doctrines doth hold it profane and popish, for we have the spirit to prompt us, insomuch as our grave patriots have lately thought fit to unsaint all the saints, and all the churches and houses of God in London have been, these many months, disrobed of their sanctimonious names, and are all excommunicated out of the weekly diseased bill; for now the churches are to be called no more St. John's, St. Peter's, but Peter's, Andrew's, James's, John's, George's church or parish, with so many died of such and such diseases, or by such a casualty, or such a rascal hanged himself, for playing a Judas's part against his sovereign.

Next follow the ten commandments, which we neglect to say, because they are of the Old Tcsament, and the law was given to the Jews; we that are christians are freed from it by the gospel. Besides, it is said to have two tables, one shewing our duty towards God, the other towards man: Concerning the first of them, we hold ourselves clear from idolatry, swearing, and profanation: For the second, we conceive it not to bind us, either to give honour to the King or magistrates (they being the fathers and protectors of our country, wealth, estates, and all we enjoy under God), nor to our natural parents, if they be not of our faith.

At the communion, there are prayers for the King again, and the Belief, with repeating some portions of scripture, to move men to charity and good works, all which we omit, for only faith is our practice; and for good works, or charity, we hold it to be unnecessary, and therefore we will neither use or do any: Neither will we receive, lying, standing, sitting, nor kneeling, by any means, nor any way that is commanded by order, in what place or country whatsoever. As for publick or private baptism, we are able to do that ourselves, either in a bason, a river, a brook, a pond, a pool, a ditch, or a puddle; nor do we hold it fitting, but that we be godfathers and godmothers to our children ourselves, and call them what scripture names we list. Nay, we will church our wives ourselves too. And, as for matrimony, we will save that charge, and take one another's words; for we must take our wives words for our children, and why not for themselves? As for the visitation of the sick, and burial of the dead, they are both fit to be done; the one is necessary, because the brethren and sisters may meet and salute the feast.

And, as for the burial of the dead, the case is all men's, besides boys, women, and children: But a grave and learned long-standing lecturer did lately find out the right way of burial, for an old man that died in the parish of St. James, near Duke's-place, within Aldgate, at which funeral he preached; and in his sermon he told the dead man his faultsvery roundly, and abused the corpse more for ten shillings, than any conformable preacher would have done for twenty; and when h* came to the laying the body in the ground, he omitted all order and ceremonies of burial, only thus briefly he said,

Ashes to ashes, dust to dust,
Here's the hole, and in thou must.

So there is an end, and an end of my lecture.

A POSTSCRIPT. It is humbly desired, that the reader do not censure the writer with any thought, or touch of profanity, for in this foregoing discourse he hath only decyphercd the foolish grounds and tenets which the teachers of the pestilent sects of schismaticks and separatists do hold and maintain.

Your's, J. T.






Wherein were left dead upon the place between five and six thousand of the Swedish party, and between ten and twelve thousand of the Imperialists, where the King himself was unfortunately slain, whose death counterpoised all the other. Pappenheim, Merode, Isolani, and divers other great commanders were offered up like so many sacrifices on the Swedish altar, to the memory of their King. Here is also inserted an abridgement of the King's life, and a relation of the King of Bohemia's death, faithfully translated out of the French copy.

Printed 1633- Quarto, containing forty-fire page*.

To the Reader.

WE see that, in the greater maps, things are expressed more plainly, than they can be in the fmaller, though they be drawn all by one skill; So virtue in princes is more perspicuous, than in plebeians; in the former she is drawn at length, with all her dimensions: in the latter she is limneil in little, being invisible, unless you approach very near her. Ami indeed, this is consonant to nature's own wisdom, who suffers the vital spirits in the body to go to the least member, yea to the very finger's end; yet doth she nlost plentifully bestow them, where she hath the greatest employment for them : So on the vulgar she confers gifts suitable to so low a calling: But, in Princes and Monarchs, she centuples and irradiates her ornaments, because by them she speaks, and gives laws to humanity. Yet is not this rule so general, that it often suffers not an exception: For, as Mature distinguisheth between the subject and the prince by sovereignty, so doth she between prince and prince, by virtue and ability. That this is true, this our dear tragical subject will serve for a lively and clear demonstration, whom neither this age, nor any of the former, could parallel, in the management both of the scepter, and th« sword. In his whole reign, his prudence at home hath not deserved more admiration than his prowess abroad: For indeed, from his youth upwards, Mars hath been the sphere, wherein he hath moved, into which violated justice first hauled him, and out of which nothing but she appeased, or death could remove him. He was a general before a man, and with a yet un reaped chin mowed down his enemies before him. With many kingdoms, at once, he waged war, from all which he forced conditions, advantageous to him and his. This was not without the amazement of all men, to see a point oppose and conquer so vast a circumference. In his wars I will only observe three things: His way to victory, his behaviour in it, his carriage after it. For the first, he did animate his soldiers rather by fighting, than exhorting; nor did he challenge to himself any advantage above the meanest of them, but honour and command. He knew that it is in empire, as in the body,- where the most dangerous diseases flow from the head: Wherefore he worked on their manners by his- own, the only firm cement of a general and his army. He well understood that faith and loyalty are not to be expected, where we impose thraldom and servitude ; and therefore at times he would be familiar, as well with the common soldier as the commander. His invention and execution of all military stratagems were ever twins; for in all his conquests he owed as much to his celerity as valour. When his foes were in their tents securely discoursing of him, as a-far off, he, like the wolf, broke into their fable, to their irrecoverable astonishment. They could not withstand the force of his fame, much less that of his arms. One feather more I must add, without which his victories had not been fully plumedr nor could have soared so high, and that was this: He never persuaded any man to an enterprise, in which he would not himself make one. He taught them, as well by hand, as tongue. I may add, that neither antiquity can, nor posterity ever shall produce a prince so psilient of all military wants, as of meat, drink, warmth, sleep, &c. id I which are necessary to the maintenance of life. In divers sufferings of his, he recalls to my mind the most accomplished of the Romans, Cato, who, leading his troops through the contagious and poisonous desarts, was ever the tast of his army that drank, save •once, when lie began to them all in water taken from a ipring suspected to be invenomed.

Thus much of his way to victory, now let us come to his deportment in it. After all his conquests, such a calm immediately ensued, that the passed storm was soon forgotten, and the enemy appeared rather like one suddenly wakened, than frighted. There was not any of his victories that washed not her hands of all cold and innocent blood. He was so severe a justicer, that he often revenged the violating of his merciful decrees even upon the place, and sometimes on men of quality, whom he affected. The laws of retaliation he knew so well, that he gave to all men punctual satisfaction for all offences received from his party, according to the nature of the wron<* done. For this cause, his tribunal (like the Roman) stood ever open. All his great atchievements were ever attended by devotion within, and circumspection without. He first praised God, and then provided for man ; at once having an eye on his enemies next designs, and his soldiers present necessities. The greatest of his glories, purchased with blood and sweat, could neither change the estate of his mind, or copy of his countenance. The true greatness of his spirit was such, that, in all his actions, he placed ostentation behind, and conscience before him, and sought not the reward of a good deed from fame, but from the deed itself. I conclude this point with this assertion, that honesty had as strict and great a command over him, as necessity over mankind. He was a prince of so great and clear a fame, that envy herself blushed to oppose it, and therefore was forced to assume the mask of religion, under which she might securely display her invectives. Religion, religion, it is thou that shouldcst unite, but dost estrange hearts ; and makest us seek to take away even those lives that gave us ours. Let a man have in eminency all the cardinal and theological virtues, he of a contrary sect looks on all these through a mist raised by his malice, which makes him either not see them at all, or not t& they are. O Jesus, Jesus, in thy best blessed time, gather thy strayed flock into one fold, and let truth and peace kiss each other. This testimony the perfections of this prince drew from me, who was abstemious and continent in every thing, save in the search of glory and virtue.

It now remains, that I say something of the ensuing treatise, in which is contained the last and greatest battle of this king, his deplored death, and other weighty circumstances. The original is French, written by one of the ablest pens of that nation. He begins at the king's coming down into Germany, and extends his story to his death. Of all the modern histories, I dare make it the chorus; for it is written in a stile so attick, and so judicial, that it may well be called the French Tacitus. What hath been before delivered, in other discourses concerning this subject, is to this nought else but a foil. The full and perfect translation of this rare piece I here promise the courteous reader; and, in the mean time, intreat him to wear, as a favour, this branch, by which he may judge the whole body.


THE king, having mustered his troops, and those of Duke Bernard of Saxon Weimar, about Erfurt, the army received command to advance towards Naumburg.

The king came thither in person on St. Martin's Day, and cut in pieces two regiments of Merode, that opposed him by the way. He ■was no sooner arrived at Naumburg, but he received intelligence, that the enemy's forces lay incamped at Lcipsick, and Noerspurg, and stretched thence in length, as far as Weissenfcls, and that they were intrenched in a place advantageous. Which proceeding of theirs obliged the king to do the like, at Naumburg, and to seek the means to join his army with the Electoral, which then lay about Torgau, consisting of fifteen thousand men, and reinforced with two thousand horse belonging to the Duke of Lunenburg. He sent divers posts to inform them of his coming, and of the courses were to be taken for their uniting. Walstein and Pappenheim, being lodged between them, had an eye on them both, and made it their only study to hinder their conjunction. On tbe fourteenth of November, the scouts of the king brought him word, the enemy had sacked and abandoned the city, and castle of Weissenfcls, laid plain his trenches, and retired himself towards Lutzen, two German miles from Leipsick. The king, hearing this news, resolved no longer to delay the fight, his courage not permitting him to temporise any further, nor to attend the return of his posts sent to the Elector.

That, which confirmed him in this his resolution, was the assurance of certain prisoners brought him by Relinguen, that Pappenheim was gone to Hall, with six regiments. Wherefore his army had order to inarch towards the enemy, the fifteenth, three hours before day, and to dare him to a battle. The diligence of the van was such, that it reached the enemy by the scond hour after noon, and began the assault. The Imperialists failed not to make head, and a strong resistance. Many charges were given, with advantage, and loss equal, the victory inclining now to this side, then to that, till at length the Swedes gave fire to their small field-pieces, which pierced and broke sundry Imperial companies, and forced them to a retreat. The Swedes became masters of the field, and brought to the king a standard taken from the enemy, with this device, La Fortune, <$• I Aigk Romam, Fortune, and the Roman Eagle. Hence some drew this prognostick, that the enemy should, before long, part with the one and the other. A thick mist and the night coming upon them, the Swedes were hindered in the pursuit pi the enemy, and the victory.

The king remained in the field, and stood in order of battle all night; having no other shelter than his caroach, resolved to follow close his design, and engage the enemy to a general combate. He communicated his intention, to the Dukes of Saxon-Weimar, and other remarkable commanders, who passed away that night near his caroach, having nothing over their heads, but the heavenly arch, nor any thing under {hem, but trusses of straw laid upon the earth. Their field-furniture

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