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Life of Burke.

1790. Reflec

tions on the

Revolution in
France.

1791. Public rupture between Burke and Fox in the House of Commons. Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs. Letters to Sir Hercules Langrishe.

History.

Literature.

1791. Boswell's Life of Johnson.

1793. Observa- 1793. Execution of

tions on the
Conduct of the
Minority.
Remarks on the
Policy of the
Allies.

1794. Close of

Impeachment of Warren Hastings. Retires from Parliament. Death of Richard Burke.

1795. Thoughts and Details on Scarcity. 1796. Letter to a Noble Lord First two Let

ters on the Regicide Peace. 1797. Death, July 9.

the King of France. The Reign of Terror. War declared by France against England, Holland, and Spain.

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1794. The Fall of 1794. Mrs. Radcliffe' S Robespierre.

1796. Bonaparte's campaign in Italy. Washington's Farewell Address.

Mysteries of Udolpho.

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1797. John Adams, 1797. The Anti-Jacobin.

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SPEECH OF EDMUND BURKE

ON

CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES,

MARCH 22, 1775.

THE THIRTEEN RESOLUTIONS.

I HOPE, Sir, that notwithstanding the austerity of the Chair, your good-nature will incline you to some degree of indulgence toward human frailty. You will not think it unnatural that those who have an object depending, which 5 strongly engages their hopes and fears, should be somewhat inclined to superstition. As I came into the House full of anxiety about the event of my motion, I found, to my infinite surprise, that the grand penal Bill, by which we had passed sentence on the trade and sustenance of America, is 10 to be returned to us from the other House. I do confess I

could not help looking on this event as a fortunate omen. I look upon it as a sort of providential favor, by which we are put once more in possession of our deliberative capacity upon a business so very questionable in its nature, so very 15 uncertain in its issue. By the return of this Bill, which seemed to have taken its flight forever, we are at this very instant nearly as free to choose a plan for our American government as we were on the first day of the session. If, Sir, we incline to the side of conciliation, we are not at all

20 embarrassed (unless we please to make ourselves so) by any incongruous mixture of coercion and restraint. We are therefore called upon, as it were by a superior warning voice, again to attend to America; to attend to the whole of it together; and to review the subject with an unusual 25 degree of care and calmness.

Surely it is an awful subject; or there is none so on this side of the grave. When I first had the honor of a seat in this House, the affairs of that continent pressed themselves upon us, as the most important and most delicate object of 30 parliamentary attention. My little share in this great deliberation oppressed me. I found myself a partaker in a very high trust; and having no sort of reason to rely on the strength of my natural abilities for the proper execution of that trust, I was obliged to take more than common pains 35 to instruct myself in everything which relates to our colonies. I was not less under the necessity of forming some fixed ideas concerning the general policy of the British empire. Something of this sort seemed to be indispensable; in order, amidst so vast a fluctuation of passions and opin40 ions, to concentre my thoughts; to ballast my conduct; to preserve me from being blown about by every wind of fashionable doctrine. I really did not think it safe or manly to have fresh principles to seek upon every fresh mail which should arrive from America.

45 At that period I had the fortune to find myself in perfect concurrence with a large majority in this House. Bowing under that high authority, and penetrated with the sharpness and strength of that early impression, I have continued ever since, without the least deviation, in my origi50 nal sentiments. Whether this be owing to an obstinate perseverance in error, or to a religious adherence to what appears to me truth and reason, it is in your equity to judge. Sir, Parliament having an enlarged view of objects,

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