purchase-money; for that this country was already so loaded it could bear no more. We then talked of the new colonies. I found he was inclined to think one near the mouth of the Ohio might be of use, in securing the country, but did not much approve that at Detroit. And as to the trade, he imagined it would be of little consequence if we had all the peltry to be purchased there, but supposed our traders would sell it chiefly to the French and Spaniards, at New Orleans, as he heard they had hitherto done.

At the same time that we Americans wish not to be judged of, in the gross, by particular papers written by anonymous scribblers and published in the colonies, it would be well if we could avoid falling into the same. mistake in America, in judging of ministers here by the libels printed against them. The inclosed is a very abusive one, in which, if there is any foundation of truth, it can only be in the insinuation contained in the words, "after eleven adjournments" that they are too apt to, postpone business: but if they have given any occasion for this reflection, there are reasons and circumstances that may be urged in their excuse.

It gives me pleasure to hear that the people of the other colonies are not insensible of the zeal with which I occasionally espouse their respective interests, as well as. the interests of the whole. I shall continue to do so as long as I reside here and am able.

The present ministry seem now likely to continue through this session of parliament; and perhaps, if the new parlia-, ment should not differ greatly in complexion from this, they may be fixed for a number of years, which I earnestly wish, as we have no chance for a better.

Your affectionate Father,

B. FRANKLIN.

Paper-Money. Mr. Grenville.-Duke of Bedford.

DEAR SIR,

London, Dec. 1, 1767. I duly received your favors of August 22, September 20, and October 8, and within these few days one of February 14, recommending Mr. Morgan Edwards and his affair of the Rhode Island College, which I shall endeavour to promote, deeming the Institution one of the most catholic and generous of the kind.

I am inclined to think with you, that the small sum you have issued to discharge the public debts only, will not be materially affected in its credit for want of the legal tender, considering especially the present extreme want of money in the province. You appear to me to point out the true cause of the general distress, viz. the late luxurious mode of living introduced by a too great plenty of cash. It is indeed amazing to consider that we had a quantity sufficient before the war began, and that the war added immensely to that quantity by the sums spent among us by the crown, and the paper struck and issued in the province; and now in so few years all the money spent by the crown is gone away, and has carried with it all the gold and silver we had before, leaving us bare and empty, and at the same time more in debt to England than ever we were! But I am inclined to think that the mere making more money will not mend our circumstances, if we do not return to that industry and frugality which were the fundamental causes of our former prosperity. I shall nevertheless do my utmost this winter to obtain the repeal of the Act restraining the legal tender,

if our friends the merchants think it practicable, and will heartily espouse the cause; and in truth they have full as much interest in the event as we have.

a

The present ministry, it is now thought, are likely to continue at least till a new parliament, so that our apprehensions of a change, and that Mr. Grenville would come in again, seem over for the present. He behaves as if a little out of his head on the article of America, which he brings into every debate without rhime or reason, when the matter has not the least connection with it: thus at the beginning of this session, on the debate upon the King's speech he tired every body, even his friends, with long harangue about and against America, of which there was not a word in the speech. Last Friday he produced in the House a late Boston Gazette, which he said denied the legislative authority of parliament, was treasonable, rebellious, &c. and moved it might be read, and that the House would take cognizance of it, but it being moved, on the other hand, that Mr. G.'s motion should be postponed to that day six months, it was carried without a division: and as it is known that this parliament will expire before that time, it was equivalent to a total rejection of the motion. The Duke of B. too, it seems, moved in vain for a consideration of this paper in the House of Lords. These are favorable symptoms of the present disposition of Parliament towards America, which I hope no conduct of the Americans will give just cause of altering.

Be so good as to present my best respects to the house, and believe me, with sincere esteem and regard, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and most obedient servant, B. FRANKLIN.

To MR. Ross, PHILADELPHIA.

Question of admitting America to be represented in the British Parliament.

DEAR SIR,

London, Dec. 12, 1767.

I received your kind letter of October 18. I had before seen, with great pleasure, your name in the papers as chosen for the city of Philadelphia.

The instruction you mention as proposed by a certain great man was really a wild one. The reasons you made use of against it were clear and strong, and could not but prevail. It will be time enough to show a dislike to the coalition when it is proposed to us. Meanwhile we have all the advantage in the agreement of taxation, which our not being represented will continue to give us. I think indeed that such an event is very remote. This nation is indeed too proud to propose admitting American representatives into their parliament; and America is not so humble, or so fond of the honor, as to petition for it. In matrimonial matches, 'tis said, when one party is willing the match is half made, but where neither party is willing there is no great danger of their coming together. And to be sure such an important business would never be treated of by agents unimpowered and uninstructed; nor would government here act upon the private opinion of agents which might be disowned by their constituents.

The present ministry seem now likely to continue through this session; and this, as a new election approaches, gives them the advantage of getting so many of their friends chosen as may give a stability to their administration. I heartily wish it, because they are all well disposed towards America.

With sincere esteem, I am, dear Sir, your affectionaté friend and most obedient servant, B. FRANKLIN.

To GOVERNOR FRANKLIN,

The Boston Resolutions concerning Trade.-Anecdote relative to Col. Onslow and Mr. Grenville.

DEAR SON,

London, Dec. 19, 1767.

The resolutions of the Boston people concerning trade make a great noise here. Parliament has not yet taken notice of them, but the newspapers are in full cry against America. Colonel Onslow told me at Court last Sunday, that I could not conceive how much the friends of America were run upon and hurt by them, and how much the Grenvillians triumphed. I have just written a paper for next Tuesday's Chronicle to extenuate matters a little.

Mentioning Colonel Onslow reminds me of something that passed at the beginning of this session in the House, between him and Mr. Grenville. The latter had been raving against America, as traitorous, rebellious, &c. when the former, who has always been its firm friend, stood up and gravely said, that in reading the Roman history, he found it was a custom among that wise and magnanimous people, whenever the senate was informed of any discontent in the provinces, to send two or three of their body into the discontented provinces, to enquire into the grievances complained of, aud report to the senate that mild measures might be used to remedy what was amiss, before any severe steps were taken to enforce obedience. That this example he thought worthy our imitation in the pre