Copy of Lord Camden's Letter upon the Subject of American Intercourse, upon Tenth Report of the Commissioners of Naval Inquiry Letter from General Prevost, commanding at Dominica, to the Master of the Petition of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, presented to both Houses of Parliament, Eleventh Report of the Commissioners of Naval Inquiry from the Electors of Westminster, 6945 from the Electors of Southwark, 699; Circular Letter from Lord Hawkesbu y, Secretary of State, to the Lords Lieutenants Petition against Lord Melville, from the Borough of St. Albans, 778; from the Memorial and Representation on the Subject of American Intercourse, presented by the House of Assembly of Jamaica to the Lieutenant Governor thereof, cated at Kingston, 20th April, 1805 Page -389 389 390 391 449 521 522 602 630 694 68 762 762 954 946 ESSAYS AND LETTERS. Address to the Public Agricola, on the Refusal of Bank Notes Rusticus, on the Family Reconciliation SUMMARY OF POLITICS.-Family Reconciliation A British Observer's Second Letter to Mr. Pitt, on the Catholic Claims SUMMARY OF POLITICS.-War with Spain.-Peace.-The Family Reconciliation SUMMARY OF POLITICS.-The menaced Invasion.-The State of our Military” SUMMARY OF POLITICS.-The New Ministry.-Communication from France. Cobbett's Spirit of the Public Journals for the year 1804 Miles on Mr. Pitt's Parish Army Letter of Mr. Burke, relative to Irish Catholics D. N.'s Defence of the Funding System A Speculator on Criminal Judicature SUMMARY OF POLITICS.-Military Force B.'s Letter to Mr. Windham, upon our Military Force, particularly that of the SUMMARY OF POLITICS.-Jamaica Complaints.-Military Force.-- Finance Anti-Gotham on Black Regiments SUMMARY OF POLITICS.-The Budget.-Black Regiments.-Overtures for Peace. SUMMARY OF POLITICS.-French Fleets.-Cape of Good Hope.-Irish Habeas A Field Officer, on our Military System SUMMARY OF POLILICS.-The Sinking Fund.-Slave Trade.-Trinidad.-Antigua. Naval Inquiry.-Tax on Salt.-Middlesex Election.-The Irish Catholics Crito on the Refusal of Bank Notes" Page. 193 212 225 285 289 331 356 C. on the Inequality of the Income Tax X. X. on the Jamaica Complaints C. S. on the Source of Taxes SUMMARY OF POLITICS.-Continental Alliances.-East Indies.-Jamaica Legislature.-Slave Trade.-Country Bank Notes.-Irish Roman Catholics SUMMARY OF POLITICS.-Middlesex Election.-Subsidies.-The French Fleets. 358. 398 400 417 421 423. 423 449 4937 513 519 SUMMARY OF POLITICS-Naval Inquiry 528 Parliamentary Censure on Lord Viscount Melville 545 On Lord Melville's Letter to the Commissioners of Naval Inquiry SUMMARY OF POLITICS.-Meetings of the People.-Mr. Pitt's Conduct.-Parlia mentary Divisions.-Affairs of India Verax's Second Letter on the Reform of Financial Abuses Mr. Cobbett's Observations on the Conduct of Mr. Pitt, with respect to the Tenth Report of the Commissioners of Naval Inquiry, addressed to the serious and impartial Consideration of the Honest, Patriotic, and Loyal Men. of England 641 639 609 621 637 Mr. Cobbett's First Letter to Mr. Canning, the present Treasurer of the Navy 678 689 SUMMARY OF POLITICS.-Proceedings against Lord Melville.-Mr. Pitt's Case SUMMARY OF POLITICS.-Roman Catholic Petition.-Proceedings against Lord 700 795 719 720 723 Melville. Mr. Pitt's Case.- French and Spanish Fleets Verax's Fourth Letter on the Reform of Financial Abuses 726 769 Aletheia, on Roman Catholic Soldiers 775 SUMMARY OF POLITICS.-Russia.-The Enemy's Fleets.-Stipendiary Curates,- 783 Verax's Fifth Letter on the Reform of Financial Abuses 801 R. C. on Irish Commissioners 804 SUMMARY OF POLITICS.-Stipendiary Curates.-Consolidated Fund.-The Enemy's Fleets.-Sir William Heathcote and Mr. Chute.-Proceedings against Lord Melville.- Mr. Pitt's Case Page Lord Melville and Mr. Pitt's Conduct 833 Report of the Select Committee on the Tenth Naval Report 833-908 Mr. Pitt's Case 897 Mr. Pitt's Answers before the Select Committee on the Tenth Naval Report 919 Verax's Sixth Letter on the Reform of Financial Abuses 922 SUMMARY OF POLITICS.-Proceedings against Lord Melville 927 Mr. Pitt's Case 929 Verax's Seventh Letter on the Reform of Financial Abuses SUMMARY OF POLITICS.-King's Message. The Finances Table of Christenings and Burials within the Bills of Mortality, from December 1804 to May. 1805, inclusive 192 251 576 Table of the Prices of the Quartern Loaf, in London, from December 1804 to May 1805, inclusive 997 Table of the Prices of Meat, Sugar, Salt, and Coals, from December 1804 to May 1805, inclusive 997 Table of the Number of Bankruptcies in England, from December 1804 to May 1805, inclusive 997 Table of the French Five per Cent. Consolidés, from December 1804 to May 1805, inclusive. Table of the Prices of the English Three per Cent. Consols, from December 1804 to May 1805, inclusive 997 997 997 LIST OF HIS MAJESTY'S MINISTERS AS IT STOOD IN JUNE, 1805. VOL. VII. No. 1.] LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 5, 1805. [PRICE 10D. "It is said, that there has not been a sufficient change in the Ministry. But, surely, the right honour"able gentleman below” (Mr. Addington)" must, at least, be satisfied that the change is sufficient. It "surely will not be considered that it is no change that the office of first lord of the Treasury is now held by Few persons will doubt, I believe, that a very real change has taken place in that department." Mr. Pitt's Speech, June 18, 1804. PARL. DEBATES, Vol. II, p. 746, 747. me. ·1] TO THE PUBLIC. At the commencement of each year, since the establishment of this work, it has been the custom for me to say a few words, as to the extent of its circulation; not so much with a view to private as to that of public interest. To judge of the merit of a public journal by the number of copies sold, would be to discover but little knowledge of the various circumstances, by which the sale of such publications is generally influenced; but, when we have to speak of a work, from the pages of which every thing calculated to amuse the frivolous or to entertain the indolent is sedulously excluded; which are occupied entirely with dry political matter, requiring seriousness and reflection in the perusal to render it at all va luable, and, not aided by the sprightliness of wit or the embellishments of style, but, in its unenticing garb, addressed directly to the understanding and the reason, thereon solely relying for its success; when we have to speak of such a work, it is, I think, fair to presume, that the extent of its circulation may be regarded as a criterion whereby to form a tolerably accurate judgment of the prevalence, generally speaking, of its principles and opinions. From this persuasion it is that I am, upon the present occasion, induced to state, that, notwithstanding the unexampled depopulation of the town, during the six months embraced by the Volume just finished, there were many more copies of this work sold during that time than during any former six months since the come mencement of the work. In a former address to the public, I was led to make a statement of this kind, in order to remove the impres sion, which the reports of the then ministe rial writers might have produced. Now, indeed, the same reason does not exist; but, there are two circumstances which app pear to render the statement necessary.→ First; it was natural to suppose, that the part, which I thought it my duty to take tespecting the Middlesex Election would operate unfavourably towards the Register; because, all those, whose eyes had not been constantly fixed upon political causes and events, must have been regarded as likely [ 2 to condemn a conduct, which, to them, would inevitably seem inconsistent, if not involving an abandonment of principle. It is not meant to allude here to mere contractors and jobbers; to the leeches of the community; but to men of honesty and real loyalty and patriotism, many of whom might have been excused for disapproving of the observations upon the subject here referred to. No such effect has, however, been produced; and, I am persuaded, that there are very few sensible and honourable men in the kingdom, who, whatever might be their sentiments at first, are not now as anxious as I am to see SIR FRANCIS BURDETT seated as one of the members for this county. Indeed, the profligacy, which can applaud the promotion of Mr. Mackintosh, the ministerial coalition with Mr. Tierney, the employing of Mr. Redhead Yorke and many others of the same stamp; which can, in all cases where the minister gains an accession of strength, preach forgiveness, harmony, and unanimity, and, in all cases where he meets with opposition, inculeate, with more vehemence than ever, eternal resentment and hostility; this profligacy is so glaring and offensive, that it has done what might well have been expected from it, namely, excited the indignation of every man whose indignation is worth notice.The other circumstance, above alluded to, as likely to have an unfavourable effect upon this work, is, its steady opposition to the present ministry of Mr. Pitt. It was natural to suppose here also, that many very worthy and even very sensible men would, recollecting the professions with which commenced my career in England, think that they perceived 'a' departure from principle; and, though it has, I trust, been incontrovertibly proved, that there has been no such departure, even in the slightest degree, still it might reasonably have been feared, that the deep-rooted prejudices of good men, long attached to the name of Pitt from the purest of motives, and, moreover, strongly averse from making an acknow ledgment involving an accusation of their own discernment, would have alienated a considerable number of my readers, parti cularly when it was considered, that my work stood, at first, almost exclusively upon the support of persons of this description. So far, however, from this having been the case, I have received, from persons formerly strongly attached to Mr. Pitt, not less, perhaps, than a hundred and fifty written assurances, that the reasons, whereon I have founded my conviction of the destructive tendency of that gentleman's system of rule, have produced conviction equally strong in the minds of the writers; while, on the other hand, I have received only seven letters, expressing a dissent from my opinions in this respect, two of which I have published, the other five not being intended for publication. This fact may, perhaps, excite surprise, and I confess, that I myself was, at first, surprised at it; but, when one duly reflects upon the conduct of Mr. Pitt, since his retirement from office, in 1801, the subject of reasonable surprise is, that he yet retains the attachment of one independent upright and sensible man, who was attached to him previous to that time.regard to my motives for publishing this work, as well as for the manner of conducting it, they have been often enough stated, and, indeed, one would think it impossible that they should not be evident to every reader of common sense and common information: nevertheless, there are not wanting, amongst the well-known and undisguised hirelings of the day, those who believe, or, rather, who wish to make others believe, that I am "a self-interested scriba self-interested scrib"bler." A" scribbler" I may be; but, to believe that I am "a self-interested" one, not only must the believer know nothing of my character, but he must be totally blind to the tendency of my conduct; for, if self-interest were my object, who is there that can fail to perceive, that, as to any thing beyond the effects of mere industry, I long have been, and yet am, pursuing exactly the wrong course? Jan. 1, 1805. SIR, -With W. COBBETT. REFUSAL OF BANK NOTES. Your correspondent, Crito, desires my answer to two queries, on the subject of refusal of bank notes in payment of debts. Though I agree with him that your valuable paper should not be occupied with opinions on practical law, yet, as I am anxious to lend all the assistance in my power to any measure tending to the repeal of that mischievous law, the restriction act; and, as I formerly studied the law, and still maintain an intercourse with several dearned lawyers, I shall take the liberty of an BLAD swering the queries of your correspondent to the best of my abilities.----If the debt and costs be paid into court in bank notes, and the creditor shall insist on payment in specie, I conceive it would be expedient to inform the debtor by notice, that such payment will be insisted on, and the trial proceeded on if it be not so made. The debtor has thus full notice why he is forced to trial, and there is then, in truth, but one point for the court to determine, whether a creditor be compellable, by law, to accept payment in bank notes. I am aware that the practice of paying money into court is entirely its own creature, modified at its own will in such a manner as to discourage, as much as possible, unjust and vexatious litigation; and it may, therefore, be contended, that in the exercise of a discretion which has created and modified this practice, a lodginent in bank notes might be held to be a sufficient lodgment to save costs. But this, I conceive, could not happen; the discretion of the court will be always regulated by principles of law and justice, and such a decision would be so clearly a breach of both law and justice, as I am satisfied could not occur. Before the restriction act, indeed, if a debt and costs had been lodged in bank notes, and a captious creditor had made the objection that the lodgment was insufficient, because not made in specie, it is possible the court in its sound discretion might overrule the objection; and though not strictly right in point of law, yet it would not be unjust, because bank notes, could without expense or trouble, be converted into specie. But the case at present is widely different: bank notes cannot be converted into specie but with trouble, and at a loss. In the former case, the debt and costs, had in truth and effect, been lodged in court; in the latter case they have not, but a representative of them only, of arbitrary and fluctuating value, which may, and at present does, fall considerably short of the real debt. It might as well have been contended before the restriction act, that a lodgment in Exchequer-bills, when at a discount, would have been sufficient. Bank notes are no more known to our laws, as payment, than Exchequer-bills. The act of Parliament has only prohibited arrest on mesne process, or the holding to special bail, in case of a tender in bank notes. But it has gone no farther. It has not prohibited arrest in exe cution, nor in any other manner altered the existing law. But for the court to deprive the party of his costs in the case supposed, would alter the law in a most essential and ་་་་་་ |