that on the first day of my examination, I came bere altogether unacquainted upon what subject was to be examined, and could not recollect from the questions that were put to me, what the particular transaction was that was alluded to it appears to have lecen a transaction that took place at the distance of nine years, and although of some considerable magnitude, it was not so, comparatively speaking, with the daily transac tions of the house of Boyd and Benfield; and since I retired from the partnership on the 31st December, 1798, I have had no access to the books and papers of the house, which might have otherwise furnished me the means of furnishing more distinct information to the Committee upon the subjects upon which I was questioned: if therefore, any contradiction or confusion may have appeared in my answers, I trust the Committee will not impute it to any premeditated wish of withholding information. MR. PITT'S ANSWERS. SIR,Not having had an opportunity of seeing the whole of Mr. Pitt's evidence, until I saw your paper, I was immediately struck with his evasive answers to questions that one would imagine, he could have had no doubt upon. Having had a spare hour, I have endeavoured to bring the whole of his answers into one view, and I herewith inclose you the sketch I have made. If it be not in a shape to appear in your paper, probably, it may not be entirely useless.In Mr. Pitt's examination before the Select Committee, to whom the consideration of the Tenth Report was referred, it appears, that 104 questions were put to him, in his answer to which, each of the following phrases has occurred as often as the figures opposite it denote. It is remarkable, that only TWO direct answers have been given by him in the whole course of his examination; and, what must appear most extraordinary, is, that his recollection seems most lamentably deficient on those transactions where he himself was concerned; whilst, on those questions which could only be maller of opinion, he speaks in the most confident terms; such, for instance, as the dreadful effect it would have had on public credit, had he not ACCOMMODATED Boyd and Co. with 40,0001. of the public money, although there is not a banker's clerk in the City of London so ignorant as not to know, that money, to a much more considerable amount, could have been raised qn those securities at the Stock Exchange in a single hour. I shall insert hete those questions, to which he gave any thing like a. decided answer. Is it not curious to hear the friends of Mr. Pitt say that he was anxious for a full inquiry, after the extraor dinary means he resorted to, and the most deplorable absence of mind, he appears to labour under, when before the committee? How can this be accounted for in a man of his quick and discerning mind on all ordinary occasions? A man who, whenever it suits his purpose, does, with a most surpri sing effort of memory, revert to all the ar guments and opinions of his adversàries, for a space of time comprising his whole politi cal life, not with doubt, hesitation, and ems barrassment, but with the most direct unqualified and positive assertion... Not able to recall at this distance of time Was not in his contemplation“. He could not undertake to say He could not state with accuracy, J #Not that he knew of -Kementant T He did not think He had no knowledge He was led to suppose Herwas led to believe : He was persuaded. . He learni He heard surmises to that effect. ABSTRACT. Ile thinks, rather thinks, or thinks he understood He conceives He believes, rather believes, &c. He understood, was satisfied, &c. Not able to ascertain, could only state. substance Did not recollect, to the best of his recollection, &c. He could not say, speak with certain→ ty, &c. Did not occur to his mind, &c. He could not state with accuracy, preeision, &c. 1 1 1 1 10 7 10 31 6 7 was bu2|| more serious consequences than were prots He had no means of forming a judg duced, even by the stoppage of the Bank of England, itself, shortly afterwardside d Grow spili zlomkoup oil moi joallo397 Jon REFORME OF FINANCIAL ABUSES.L) JUT OF. LETTER VIS ET JI ZSW, Sun,In the several letters that I have 1 written to you upon this subject, I have advanced certaine principles, on which I pro pose the management of the receipt and expenditure of the public money should be regulated. I think it may be of service fo cole lect these principles under one view, so as to form, as it were, a short code of financial legislation. With respect to the receipt of the revenue, I have advised, 1st, that no collector or receiver should be employed as a paymaster. 2d. That every department should be governed by commissioners; and, 2 34. That ALL the revenue of every descrip tion should be paid into the Exchequer. With respect to the public expenditure, I have advised, 1st.That such portion of it that cannot be fixed in amount by the previous votes of parliament, should be under the management of commissioners. 2d. That this management should be divided, 1st. into the duties of incurring; 2d. of examining and, 3dly, of paying the expenses of the public. 3d. That no money whatsoever, should be paid except upon the authority of some board of commissioners. 4th. That every payment should be made by the Treasury. And, 5th. That the national accounts should be kept and stated according to the principles of mercantile book-keeping. As these principles contain nothing visionary or speculative, as they are extremely simple and intelligible, and such as may be judged upon with accuracy, by every person the least degree conversant with accounts, I have some hopes that they will find their way into the minds of some of our patriotic legislators, and meet with countenance even in our Houses of Parliament. So far as I have had an opportunity of ascertaining what effect the appeal I have made to your readers, kas produced, I am sufficiently repaid for having made it. It strikes every one, that I have heard speak of the subject, as it struck me, that to effect a reform of any substantial benefit, a total alteration'must take place in the He had no knowledge; was led to suppose, to believe, &c. &c. I am perfectly convinced No. I believe it impossible 7 16 I 104 CON The two direct answers ought to be stated at full length, together with the questions giving rise to them.-Q. From the state of the money market, in case Boyd had failed in making good his payments, do you conceive a new loan could have been procured for the public on terms equally advantageous? A. I am PERFECTLY VINCED it could not, and that the embarrasment it would have caused to the public serice, would have been of the MOST SERIOUS AND ALARMING NATURE.Q. In the then state of the market would it have been easy to make a loan in room thereof? A. NO. I believe it would have been extremely difficult, and, I believe, impossible. Now, I call upon-Mr. Pitt and his friends, and I defy them to produce, throughout the whole Calendar, 104 questions, put to any one wit-existing regulations of office, and in the preness, with 104 such phrases, in their answers thereto. And, yet, in the two last instances, which can be matter of opinion only, decided answers are given; by which it would appear, that the not lending Boyd 40,0001. of the public money, would have been-more destructive to public credit, pre judicial to the service, and attended with sent plan of stating the public accounts, which have certainly no other merit than that of affording the opportunities of de frauding the public with perfect impunity!! That such a reform is absolutely necessary, it requires ho comments of wine now to point out, and such a necessity existing ie does not require more trouble to prove, that the present labours of the House of Commons will be ineffectual, unless the punishment of delinquents is accompanied with measures calculated to meet this necessity. The evil is not confined to the mal practices of this office or that office, it is radical and universal, it pervades the whole system. It is the monstrous evil of disguise and concealment. The whole object of our financial regulations is to smother the detail of facts, to bewilder every one that attempts to investigate, to form such a phalanx of evasions as to preclude the possibility of the public being capable of knowing how their money is applied. And is this a system to be any longer endured, now that our expenditure has attained the enormous sum of 70 millions per annuni? Now, that taxation is brought to bear oppressively on the poor, and that the most sacred sources of it have been assailed? When this session has demonstrated the difficulty of finding a suthcient fund by, new taxes for paying the Interest on the new loan; when the minister has acknowledged a great deficit in the produce of the consolidated fund, when no prospect opens to us of a termination of the war; but, on the other hand, no man can be bold enough to anticipate a conclusion of it even for years to come. When all these circumstances exist to convince us of the distresses we are likely to experience from our enormous expenditure, is it not full time to cry out for some reformation of abuses the most flagrant, the most pernicious and the most detestable that can disgrace the financial administration of any country? It would appear, that the necessity of such a reformation was abundantly notorious to have induced some of the public meetings to adopt resolutions, calling for an alteration in the management of the public money, in more precise terms than they have done. Instead of requiring, as they commonly have required, an investigation into other departiments besides that of the navy, they should, in my opinion, have attached the whole system of the receipt and expenditure of the public money, and recommended the entire revision of it to the House of Commons. For, though abuses may be detected, though punishment may be inflicted, there can be no security against the repetition of similar abuses until the system is so changed, as to render the commission of them altogether impracticable. This is the object for the public to look to, not merely to the gratification of bringing delinquents to justice, but also, to take away the temptation and the means of being criminal. It is but fair those who are entrusted with the public money, to place every-guard upon their conduct that honour and wisdom can devise; but, will any inan say, that the existing regulations provide all such checks upon the conduct of public effices that might be provided? So long then as this subject is neglected, the revenue is not only exposed to fraud, but every one employed concerning it is exposed to the strongest temptations to commit it. Surely, then, it is well deserving the interference of the public meetings of the people, upon an occasion of so great importance, to secure the aftention of their representatives to the funda mental defects of the present system of financial regulation and account. There is no man that attends a vestry who does not know the advantages of a strict control over the application of parish money, and of an intelligible and fair statement of that application. But there is no reason why the ac count of the treasury should not be as clear as an account of a churchwarden, and at the same time be as easily to be inspected and examined. I hope, therefore, that every one will extend the reasoning he may have formed in his own mind respecting parish accounts, or other ordinary accounts, to the accounts of the nation, and ask himself why should not every one exert himself to secure honest dealing and open conduct on the part of those ministers who are so well paid for being the public servants.I am, Sir, &c. VERAX.May 28, 1805. HOLLANDSpeech of Mr. Schimmelpenninck, at the opening of the Session of the States-General, under the New Constitution, (See p. 751 et seq.) on the 15th of May, 1805. HIGH AND MIGHTY LORDS,For a long time have our countrymen felt the ne cessity of preventing, by the introduction of a new order of things, the downfall of the tottering edifice of the state. his necessity was so generally felt, and in so lively a manner, that I deem it superfluous and unfit to enlarge upon a truth universally acknow ledged: but it is this general conviction which holds to us the rule by which we are to measure the hops which the nation has again recovered, and the expectation which it grounds upon our exertions.The bur den which we take upou ourselves, and the most troublesome and painful part of which is to fall upon me, is heavy. The difficulties in which the state is involved, are manifest and great; the first proof of our courage will be, to dare to contemplate those difficulties, such as they actually exist; the second nat to despair of conquering them, that is to say, of the salvation of our country.In my mind the great changes which have taken. place in Europe, and in our relations with our neighbours), to convince all nations which surround us, that our welfare and our prospe rity can never be detrimental to theirs, and that they may fully depend upon our good faith in fulfilling our engagements. In order, to restore the solidity and energy of our internal government, I deem nothing more fit than an unchangeable attachment to the holy principles of justice; the doing equal justice. to all, without difference of rank or opinions; the restoring the necessary vigour to the laws, and the requisite authority and the ancient respect to all the lawful authorities; homage to talents, bravery, and merit; every possible indulgence to misapprehension; inexorable rigour to misdeeds.The restoration of the finances of the country will be our most laborious branch, Can you deem it necessary, High and Mighty Lords, that a melancholy picture thereof should be ex ty opinion, it would be little consistent with that calm impartiality and unshaken integrity which must be esteemed in a government, to, : ascend in any manner, either to the nearer or ⚫to the more remote causes to which we have to impute the present situation of our country.I deem this the more repugnant to wisdom and equity, because whatever partial inconveniencies may have arisen from individual misapprehensions, prejudices, or actions, yet the main source of our disasters is by no means to be looked for in our bosom, but in causes entirely without us, and quite independent of us:Our country could not fail, by its situation and relations, deeply to partake of the great events which have changed the whole face of Furope; and the powerful impulses which have shaken the great bodies situated around us, must naturally cause a sensible agitation in our contracted territory. And ought we, then, to continue searching into our entrails, or rendering the wounds of our state more incura-hibited to you on this occasion? or is that ble, by seeking after their causes in our own bosom; a search, the result of which would always be exposed to different judgments, always lead to dangerous reproaches, and would be always most adverse to a conciliationNo, High and Mighty Lords, let us leave the causes, and let us only view the wounds clearly; solely with intention to heal them and permit me, who am now placed at the head of the government, to point outthe means, and, on this solemn occasion, to state to your High Mightinesses, the principles by which I shall regulate my adininistration, and which I deem the most proper for securing our political existence abroad, and our tranquillity at home.Among the great acts which I imagine a wise nation expects of us, I principally have the following before my mind: In the first place, the putting an end to that state of uncertainty with respect to our internal government, which has long since tired and fatigued the people, and which would have terminated in despair and dissolution. In the second place, the improvement of the finances of the country, brought to the brink of absolute ruin, by the consequences of internal troubles, and of ruinous wars.And lastly, the embracing and maintaining a firm political system, calculated according to the situation of Europe, and fit to inspire our allies with confidence, our friends with good-will, and our enemies with awe.When we shall have obtained the two former objects, the latter (as fa as depends on us, and not on events out of our power), will be easily attainable, provided we only take care that we (always keeping in sad truth not sufficiently known, that all the present ordinary revenue of the state is hardly sufficient to pay the interest of our debts? and can it after this be required to add any thing, to make you feel the grievous state of our finances?Without efficacious remedies, there is no possible salvation from so great an evil; and all the authority granted by the constitution to the executive power, is absolutely necessary to arrive at these great measures, which, since the origin of the republic, at various periods, have always been desired by great statesmen, and recommended by some; but constantly frustrated by the clashing of the powers, and the eternal opposition either of prejudice, or of mean self-interest, oftentimes badly understood. By those efficacious remedies, ́ High and Mighty Lords, I do not by any means aim at a violation of our engagements. As little do I aim at an order for new and extraordinary imposts. These would, in my judgment, either be politically impracticable, or end in a general emigration of allwho can emigrate, and in a total corruption of those remaining behind. And therefore they shall never make a part of the measurest which will be proposed to your High Might:-) nesses in the course of my administration. -The measures i am at, High and Mighty Lords, consist, on the one hand, in: the introducing a much greater simplicity in the branches of administration, and in mak ing very considerable savings; and, on the other hand and principally, in introducing a new system of general taxation. system operating uniformly spording to the This relative abilities of the inhabitants in the different districts, will be able very considerably to increase the resources of the country, as well by its simplicity as by the certainty of the receipts. This increase, united with the saving of the expenditure, will enable the public treasury regularly to answer all ordinary demands; and when war, or other evils, require any extraordinary expenses, they will be raised by such means as will be found the least pressing upon the public. It is towards these important objects that I wish to draw the attention of your High Mightinesses, and in the completion of which I expect the most earnest assistance from your wisdom and patriotism: and in the accomplishment of which, I cannot but think the people will, in a great measure, re-establish the former state of affairs. (To be continued.) · SUMMARY OF POLITICS. The only subject that there is room to touch upon, under this head, is, the proceedings, in the House of Commons, on the 12th and 13th instant, relative to Lord Viscount Melville. His lordship, agreeably to his own request, as mentioned in the notice given by his son (Mr. Robert Dundas, the Keeper of the Signet) on the 27th ultimo, appeared in the House of Commons in person, on the 12th, and made a speech of great length, the object of which was to induce the House not to adopt the motion for an impeachment, about to be made by Mr. Whitbread. After his lordship had retired, Mr. Whitbread proceeded to state the grounds of his motion, which having been made, an amendment was moved by Mr. Bond, to leave out the words expressive of the resolution of the House to impeach Lord Melville, and to insert others expressive of its resolution to cause a criminal prosecution to be commenced against him in the Court of King's Bench. The House first divided upon the motion of Mr.Whitbread; for it 195, against it 272, majority for the ministry (who supported Lord Melville), 77. Then the House divided upon the motion of Mr. Bond; for it 238, against it 229; majority against the ministry and Lord Melville, 9. Thus, it was decided, that Lord Melville, the twenty years colleague and companion of Mr. Pitt, the twenty years ruler of India, the great reformer of abuses and prosecutor of delinquents, should, after having been turned out of one of the highest offices in the state and seeing his name erased from the list of privy councillors, at last appear as a criminal before a Judge and Jury! This mode of proceeding may, on some ac counts, be less proper than an impeachment before the House of Lords; yet, in this particular case, whether we consider who and what the offender has been and is, what has been his general conduct and character, who have been his close friends and associates through his public life, and who are his present supporters, we must agree, I think, that the mode adopted is the most appropriate. Here, then, for the present, we must leave him; but not his supporters, if they still appear in print. All along they have been the aggressors. In every stage of the proceedings, they have provoked premature discussion. Let us hope, that they will now, at last, learn discretion. If, however, they should continue to make publications ia justification of the conduct of Lord Melville, it may not be improper to apprize them of my determination of commenting on those publications, whatever be the title under which they shall appear.- -The motives, by which Mr. Bond and the Addingtons may have been actuated, in now joining the Opposi tion against Mr. Pitt and the rest of Lord Melville's supporters, are, at present, a subject of conjecture. The course they pursue in the debate and division of this night (Friday), and which cannot be known before this sheet goes to the press, will enable us more correctly to estimate their conduct of the 12th and 13th. It should not be forgotten, that it was the Addingtons who advised the King to create Mr. Dundas a peer, and who granted the Lease, the famous Lease, to Lady Melville; and, that they did this, after the discoveries made by the mo tion of Mr. Robson, after the discoveries made by Mr. Bragge, and after the latter gentleman had actually put a stop to the abuse, connived at by Lord Melville, and which connivance alone has been declared to be "a gross violation of the law and high breach of duty." It was (forget it not!) after all this, that the Addingtons procured a peerage for Mr. Dundas and a snug little Lease for his wife. These circumstances, together with those of the 8th of April, those of the 28th when a motion for a criminal prosecution was rejected, and some others that might be mentioned, will all demand consideration, in future remarks upon the views of the parties concerned; that is to say, if their conduct should be such as to call for remark. 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