they will complain on the one part, and not make any plain proposals on the other, it will be impossible to get forward. The en- voys from England and Russia, at Vienna, must be able to say, at the same time, make a defensive alliance with us, in case the consequences of the treaty cause a war with France see here the number of Russian troops which you may calculate upon; here you have the plan of the campaign; there, what we propose, if successful, and here the subsidies which England will give. If no overtures can be made sufficiently explicit and positive to obtain a clear answer, it cannot be hoped that Austria will be obliged to declare herself. Another year will elapse with proposals on the one part, and rejections on the other; so that resistance, always supposed fruitless, will at last become so indeed. Although we dare not press Russia to proceed immediately to active measures; yet if, contrary to our expectation, she should be inclined to proceed, you will take care not to oppose it, especially if Prussia should be inclined to take a part with her. All our friends are well. I am going to Bath for a fortnight, &c.

me to assem

Blockade of Cadiz.-Downing Street, April 25, 1805. The King has been pleased to cause it to be signified by the Right Hon. Lord Mulgrave, his Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, to the ministers of neutral powers, residing at this Court, that the necessary measures have been taken, by his Majesty's command, for the blockade of the Ports of Cadiz and St. Laicar; and that from this time all the measures authorised by the Laws of Nations, and the respective treaties between his Majesty and the different neutral powers, will be adopted and executed with respect to all vessels which may attempt to violate the said blockade.!

addressed the Emperor in the following terms: es grib SIRE,You have ordered m ble together the consulta of state, and the deputation of the Italian republic, and to th vite them to take into consideration the b ject most important for their present and fu ture destinies, the form of their government I have the honour, Sire, to present to you, in the result of their labours, the wish they he formed. The first consideration that struck the minds of the assembly produced a consi tion, that it was impossible to preserve longer the present form without the peril of maining far behind the rapid course of events that characterises the epoch in which we hire. The constitution of Lyons had all the chara teristics of being provisional. It was but the effect of circumstances, a system constitu tionally too weak to answer the views of dorability and preservation. The urgent neces sity of changing it, is demonstrated to reflection as it is generally felt. In setting out from this point, every thing was simple. The system of a constitutional monarchy wa pointed out to us by the progress of enlight ened reason, and by the conclusive results of experience, and the Monarch was pointed out by all the sentiments of gratitude, love, and confidence. Sire, in a country that you have conquered, reconquered, created, organized, and governed hitherto, in a county where every thing recals your exploits, attests your genius, and breathes forth your bene fits, but one wish could be formed, and that wish has been expressed. The assembly hu not neglected to weigh with strict attendon the ulterior views to which your profound wisdom had directed. But though these views were universally important and per fectly concordant with our dearest interests, it was not difficult to convince ourselves that things were not yet sufficiently mature for the attainment of this last degree of political independence. It is consonant to the natu ral order of things, that the Italian republic should feel during some further time of the condition of all states newly formed. The smallest cloud that appears on the horizon inust necessarily create solicitude and excite alarm, and in this situation where could be found a better pledge of our tranquility Yesterday at one, his Majesty, being seat- happiness, a more solemn guarantee of the ed on his throne, surrounded by the grand consolidation and existence of our state dignitaries, the ministers, and great officers, Sire, you are still a condition of necessity to and the members of the council of state, the it. It belongs only to the counsels of your grand master of the ceremonies, introduced high wisdom to fix the term of it, to disarm M. Melzi, vice-president of the Italian Re- all foreign jealousy. It belongs only to the public, attended by M. Mareschalchi, ambasmost generous moderation to consent to find sador of that republic, and the representa- that time exactly in the monent of our da tives of its principal public bodies M. Melzigers. The assembly penetrated with

FOREIGN OFFICIAL PAPERS.

NAPOLEON, KING OF ITALY.- -The following is an Account of the Proceedings relative to the Assumption of the Crown of Italy by Napoleon, Emperor of the French.

PARIS, IS MARCH, 1805.

due to

the proofs of your kindness which have mark-glory, as long as the French troops occupy ed the preceding communications, has given the kingdom of Naples, as long as the Rusway to that full confidence which sian armies keep possession of Corfu, as the you; and its last wish, and its last prayer, British forces hold Malta, and the Peninsula demand of you constitutions in which the of Italy is threatened with becoming at every principles you have already proclaimed shall instant the field of battle of the greatest be consecrated, principles, which eternal rea-powers of Europe. 6 That the separation

of the crowns of France and Italy will be incompatible with the surety of the state, only when these circumstances shall have ceased.

son calls out for, and without which the fate of nations would be abandoned to the passions of men. Deign, Sire, to accept, deign to perfect the wish of the assembly. That the point most important for over which I have the honour to preside. The interpreter of all the sentiments which animate the hearts of the Italian citizens, it brings to you in this wish the most sincere homage. It will report to them with joy, that in accepting it you have doubled the force of the ties which bind you to the preservation, the defence, and the prosperity of the Italian nation. Yes, Sire, you wished that the Italian republic should exist, and it has existed. Wish that the Italian monarchy should be happy, and it will be so.

M. Melzi then read the following instrument: The consulta of state, the vice president in the chair, and the deputies of the colleges, and the constituted bodies of the Italian republic, considering the situation of Europe, and that of their country, are unanimously of opinion;

nations, for the nature and stability of the supreme power being regulated, the Emperor Napoleon be requested to repair to Milan to take the crown; and after hearing the consulta of state and the extraordinary deputations of the colleges to give to the kingdom a definitive constitution, which shall guarantee to the people its religion, the integrity of its territory, the equality of its rights, political and civil liberty, and the irrevocability of the sales of national property; to the law alone the power of imposing taxes; and to the natives the exclusive powers of being called to the employments of state; principles which the Emperor Napoleon has consecrated by the laws he has already given to Italy, the proclamation which was the first cry that resounded from the summit of the Alps, when he twice descended from them to conquer and free our country.-8.That finally Europe will remain persuaded, that all the parts of the kingdom of Italy are consolidated for ever, and that no one part can be separated from the rest without threatening the very principle on which the whole has been founded.-Paris, 15th March, 1805, year 4.-(Signed) MELZI, MANSCHALCHI, CAPRARA, &c.

1. That the moment is arrived for placing
the finishing hand on the institutions, the
hasis of which has been laid at Lyons, and for
this purpose declaring the government of the
Italian republic hereditarily monarchial, ac-
cording to the principles of the constitution,
of the government of the French empire.
2. That the Emperor Napoleon, founder of
the Italian republic, be declared King of
Italy.3. That the throne of Italy be he-
reditary from male to male, in the direct and
legitimate line natural and adoptive, to the
perpetual exclusion of females, and their is-
sue, with the limit of the right of adoption,
not being permitted to extend to any other
person than a citizen of the French empire,
or of the kingdom of Italy.4. That the
crown of Italy shall not be united to the
crown of France, except on his head; that
this union be forbidden to all, and each of
his successors: and that no one of them be
allowed to reign in Italy, unless he resides.
on the territory of the Italian Republic.

5. That the Emperor Napoleon shall have the
right to give himself, during his life, a suc
cessor among his legitimate niale children,
Whether begotten or adopted, but that he
Gannot make use of this right without com-
promising the security, the integrity, and the
independence of a state, the existence of
which is
this one
his most brilliant titles to

His Majesty replied in the following

terms:

From the moment of our first appearance in your country, we have entertained the desire of establishing the Italian nation free and independent; we have prosecuted this object in the midst of the uncertainty of events. In the first instance, we formed the inhabitants of the right bank of the Po into the Cispadane, and those of the left bank into the Transpadane republic. More fortunate circumstances have since enabled us to unite those states, and to form of them the Cisalpine republic. In the midst of the manifold objects which then engaged our attention, our people of Italy were affected by the interest which we felt in every thing that could secure their prosperity and happiness, and, when, a few years after, we learned on the banks of the Nile, that our work was overturned, we became sensible to the misfor tunes to which you were a prey. Thanks to

[746

MAY, 18, 1905-Talleyrand's Report to the Emers
2910 to oved skromn
to your Majesty, relate to your Majest
dearest affections, as well as to the most im-
portant interests of the Empire and at the
same time the object of these ideas is
nected most intimately with the great princi
ples of foreign polities, with the safety of a
great number of states, which cannot exist
without your support, and, in
short
with
the tranquillity of all the powers on the Con-
tinent. For several months the eyes of
all Europe have been fixed upon Italy.
Great recollections, a continued series of
misfortunes, and the immense glory which
your Majesty has acquired there, attach all
minds to its destiny. They ask themselves,
if the lot of this great country, which
long ruled the world, and which since the
time that it has declined from its ancient
grandeur, from age to age, has become the
scene and the instrument of general ambi-
tion, should at length be decided. From
every part we hear the generous wish ex-
pressed, that Italy should derive, from the
honour of having decided the fate of the last

"

thorities, and numerous assemblages of in-
telligent and enlightened citizens, have una-
nimously explained in their addresses--that
even if the hereditary system had not been
established in France, the numbers, the di-
versity, the jealousy, the weakness, the
habits, and
nd the opinions of the people who
inhabit Italy, would there render its esta-
blishment indispensable If from these
considerations we proceed to those which
are offered by foreign politics, the danger
becomes more pressing. A French army
occupies the state of Naples, where it has
nothing to do it remains there to observe an
English army which occupies Malta, and a
Russian army, which is, perhaps, only kept
up in the Ionian isles to observe the French
army. In this confused expectation of
events; in this complication of uncertain re-
lations, when a false step, from whatever
side it comes, may bring on us the greatest
calamities, may cover our country with
blood and mourning, and render us the vic-
tims of war, and what is still more dreadful,
render us, perhaps, the victims of peace,
what can we do but attach ourselves, while
the danger exists, to our sole protector, our
only hope, our only defender; and to bind
him, if possible, by his generous inclina-
tion, to the work of his genius, and his
bounty,Sire, such are the wishes of the
people of Italy, they are so pressing, so
decisive, and so lawful, that you must hear
them.- -Your Majesty shall thus reign in
Italy; and for some time to come, the em-
pire and the kingdom, which you have esta-
blished, united by the same affections, bound
by the same oaths, will exalt and consolidate
themselves under the shelter of the same
power.And when the time comes that
this union shall no longer be requisite for
Italy, shall not be interesting for France,
and shall no longer involve the tranquillity of
Europe, it shall be dissolved. Your Majesty
has irrevocably fixed the term of it; upon
this point you have resisted the most lively
solicitations; you wished to leave no doubt,
no illusion, and no expectation to your Ita-
lian subjects; you wisely thought that when
such great interests were at stake, and upon
so solemn an occasion, it behoved you, above
all, to make a worthy and free use of your
power. -Every thing is not uncertain in
futurity; strong minds and exalted under-
standings, can take into their view every
thing which is within the reach of their pru-
dence, and which belongs to the great arbi-
ter of events. Your Majesty foresees with
certainty the future event of the freedom of
Malta, and the lawful independence of the
Ionian republic. You do not wish to put a

price on the separation of
ut the crowns of
Italy, and France; and it is upon that ac
count that you have determined the period of
it, in order that you may not one day expose
yourself to the offensive alternative of the
separation of the crown or of war,
then the respect due to your dignity would
place you under the necessity of making the
cry of honour lift itself even above the wish
of humanity."Like these great men, we
have seen your Majesty carry with rapidity
your arms into Europe and Asia, Your ac
tivity, like their's, could comprehend, in a
short period of time, the greatest extent,
and bound over, the greatest space. But in
your most glorious expeditions, and in your
boldest enterprises, were you ever hurried
away by a wild and indefinite desire of con
quering and invading? No, without doubt,
and history has already inscribed in its annals,
that from the commencement of your glo
rious career, your Majesty wished to bring
back France to ideas of order, and Europe
to sentiments of peace. You saw with hor
ror a war which menaced the establishment
of barbarism, and with fear, revolution,
which would cover France with mourning
and destruction; and you believed that pro
vidence had raised you up to put an end to
these two great calamities. In Italy you
conquered to reconcile Germany to France:
you then went to conquer in Asia, to wait
for that period when you could come back
triumphant from thence, and at your retura
reconcile France to herself. Such was the
glorious ambition of your Majesty.

M. de Mareschalchi, the minister of foreign affairs of the Italian republic, the mounted the tribune, and read the constitu tional statute in the following words:

NAPOLEON, BY THE GRACE OF GOD AND THE CONSTITUTION, KANG, OF ITALY, TO ALL THOSE TO WHOM THESE SHALL COME GREETING."Extract from the re gister of the council of state, of March 17,

1805.

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STATUE

Having read the 60th article of the cont tution, respecting the constitutional initia tion, decrees:

Napoleon, by the Grace of God and the Constitutions, Emperor of the French, and King of Italy, to all those whom these presents may concern, greeting CONSTITUTIONAL STATUTE, MARCH 17.

The Consulta of State, in consideration of the unanimous opinion of the Consulta, and of the deputation assembled on the 15th, in consideration of the sixtieth article ofe