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ple; and, whatever maybe the hopes of impudence and of hypocrisy, rendered confident by long uninterrupted success, till this doubt shall receive, in the measures of the legislative and executive branches of the government, an unequivocal and satisfactory solution, the people will feel persectly indifferent as to the dangers to be apprehended from without. Their attachment, not to the King and his royal house; not to the parliament; not to the Constitution ; but, ge. nerally and indiscriminately, to all public institutions and all public persons, their attachment has received a rude and sudden shock. Their minds are troubled with doubts : they are unsettled : they know tiot what to think of any body or of any thing : and, if we look back but a very little way into history, we shall find, that the maxim of St. Francis will apply to politics as well as to theology, namely, that “when “ the Devil finds a man without a creed, “ he has always one ready to furnish him “ with.” To restore the public mind, therefore, to a settled state; to restore the government, not the ministry, for that were a triflle, but the whole government, to the

confidence of the people, the correction of

abuses, the detection of peculation, and the punishment of peculators, must proceed, till there be a real reform, till real redress be afforded. The ministerial prints, all of which, be it well remembered, insisted, previous to the decision of the House of Commons on the 8th instant, that both Lord Melville and Mr. Trotter were perfectly innocent, and which stigmatised all the publications against those persons, the report of the Commissioners not excepted, as gross libels; these hirelings of corrup. tion are now endeavouring to represent the Meetings of The People, and the proceedings in those meetings, as factious, and even as jacobinical / They have not, as yet, declared them to be absolutely seditious ;

but, it would not be very wonderful if they

were to declare then, so in a very little time, and, accordingly, to recommend the suspension of the 11abeas Corpus Act. The Common Hall of the City of London, whose resolutions will be found at length in a subsequent page of this sheet, was the most orderly and most respectable, as well as the most numerously attended; of any Common Hall that has been assembled for many years. Nothing of a fictious spirit has any where made its appearance. No noise, no unruly behaviour; none of that “clamour “ out of doors;” that Mr. Pitt thought pro

star to: o o requisition; every #ptoti has beex conceived

in a temper of soberness, in a spirit of otriotism and loyalty, There has been nothing violent in any quarter; but, there has bro, and there is, in every part of the kingdom, more firmness than, perhaps, ever was sisible upon any former occasion. Wehrii, in fact, and His Majesty and the Parliament will soon hear, the unanimous voice of a loyal and dutiful people, but, of a people who deeply feel their injuries, and who are resolved to use all lawful and constitutional means in order to obtain redress. These are the proceedings, with respect to which the minister's paper, the Sun, has made the following remarks: “Such a conduct “ is exactly conformable to the furious spirit of the French Reformers. What a melan. “ choly reflection must it be to every min “ who feels as Englishmen should feel, that “ so much acrimony and party-violence “should exist while the enemy is at the do: “To that enemy such bitter and disgraces: “ animosity must afford encouragement, ité “ induce him to think that he will find on “easy prey in people so much divided aw: themselves.” These writers always take care to close with a falsehood. The people are not “ divided amongst themselves." The people are unanimous. Witness the Common Hall, where persons of any mtk in the City of London, from journeyme, shoemakers to Aldermen and members of parliament were assembled. If, therefoo, the enemy looks at the people now, he will find them firmly united, and that, to against the enemy's best friends, the Peo lators, the betrayers of the public trust, to wasters of the public treasure, the corrup! hypocrites, who, under professions of punt, have, for so many years, in conjunction with contractors, jobbers, and Jews, bot"

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squeezing out the resources of the counto

and adding to that immense national debt. which the minister, long before these petro lations were discovered, denominated “to best aly of France." So far, thereft, from affording the enemy encouragement by their present proceedings, the peo will damp his hopes, especially if they succo, and it were almost treason to suppose that they will not, in obtaining compleièredo' and just punishment upon those, who ho

so long abused the confidence of their & vereign and their country. Yes, the to

it at the door : granted, though this so Pitt newspaper assured us, not a month go that all danger from invasion was now oo Granted that he is at the door; but, bad he got in ; were he landed in Kent, there

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fequests to have justice done them. To hold a meeting takes up but very little time. Neither the army nor the navy is called in to assist at meetings. To hold meetings, disturbs no part of the com. munity; and, the more pressing are the exigencies cf the state, the greater is the necessity for satisfying the people, that the sacrifices they make are for the service of their country. And, when we survey the orderly, the quiet, the patient conduct of the people, upon this occasion, is it not almost too much to bear, to hear a hireling of the Treasury assert, that this conduct is “exactly con“formable to the furious spirit of the French “Roformers "Where has this spirit appeared? ere the Mayor of London and the Sheriffs of Middlesex burried on by a furious spirit” The Mayor bid the persons, who requested the Common Hall to be assembled, wait three days for his answer. He then told them, on a Thursday, that he should be buty all the nect week; but, that, after that he would comply with their request. This was the account of the matter given in the public prints. Now, will any one impute fury to the persons, who made this requisition 2 Was a “furious spirit” visible at the Com

mon Hall And is it not a shameful misre

presentation to compare the present conduct of the people to the conduct of the French Reformers? In the county of Middlesex the ineering has been put off to the 2d of May. The Sheriffs have, indeed, behaved with great fairness and impartiality upon the occasion, and; therefore, their conduct is the subject of general and deserved praise; but, what I insist on is, that neither the leaders in these meetings nor the mass of the people are to be accused of fury and clamour ; but that, on the contrary, their conduct has been marked with a degree of patience rather too nearly, perhaps, bordering upon what is calltd sang froid, and which is certainly to be ascribed, not so much to their want of feeling a brooming degree of indignation, as to that indifference towards public conceins, which the detection of such base hypocrisy in public men is but too apt to create, and which, by the bye, the partisans of the Pitts and Addingtons are now endeavouring to render universal, by affecting to treat as chimerical the idea of common honesty in ministers of state *. I trust, however, that these endea

* In the preceding sheet, p. 592, I observed, that all the Adi in GTo N s and their relations and dependents voted against MR. Whitbre AD's motion for censuring Lord Melville. I mentioned their names, but winitted that of Mk, EASTcount, who is

vours will prove fruitless; that the peoply will yet hope to find honesty and sincerity in the persons chosen to conduct their affairs; and, that, in this hope, they will proceed, in an orderly and, constitutional manner, to communicate their sentiments as to the past, and their wishes as to the future, to the parliament, or to his Majesty, as the occasion may appear to them to require. The city of London, in Comunon Ha's, has set the laudable example. The city of Salisbury, where the light of election is confied to the corporation, has been the first to follow that example, and, in a petition to the House of Commons, conveyed in sanguage at once respectful and dignified, m la and resolute, loyal and public spirited, has furnished a striking proof, that the complaints against Lord Melville, his associates, and abetors, have not their rise in a spirit of faction, nor in popular clamour. This petition was presented on Thursday, the 25th instant, by Lord Viscount Folkestone, one of the members for Salisbury; and, it is to be hoped, that few cities and boroughs, will lose this opportunity of convincing the people, that they are not such “rotten" paris of the body

- politic as they have been suspected to be. At ,

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Mr. Henry Addington (now Viscount Sidmouth's) nephew, and who came in a methber for the famous borough of Devizes, in lieu of Mr. Henry Addington, when he was made into a Viscount, and, of course, could no longer sit in the House of Commons himself. The Coumon Hall of London appear to have had this in view, when they passed a vote of thanks to Lok D St. Visco N'r, “ who alone,” say they, adopted the measure which has brought to light the peculations complained of.--Upon this subj-ct of voting and of Peer-making, it is worthy of notice, that the ministerial prio is now state the intention of the minister to cause to be made peers no less than five of the members of the House of Connons, who voted against the unotion for censuring Lord

Melvillel

* 515] to PoliticAL permit ourselves to be plundered by Melville and Trotter, and their like, be necessary to the preservation of the government; if openly and decidedly to express our indignation at such practices, and to demand redress; if this be to “follow the example cf “the French Reformers;" if this be to put our government in imminent danger of subversion; then, 1 should be glad to know what worse could have happened to us, had we followed the example of the French Reformers sooner. What worse than to be compelled silently to submit to the most galling of all injuries, to be pillaged in the name, and under all the forms, of law; to be made, in the hands of peculators, the instruments of plundering one another and of holding one another in a state of abject submission to their will 2 If this were the case ; if we could suppose it possible that a state of things like this should exist in our country, what, again I ask, should we have gained by 'all the sacrifices that we have made to preserve our country from revolution and subjugation ? But, this, I trust in God, never will be the case in England. I trust we shall always be at liberty to exercise the rights we are now exercising, that of demanding, in a constitutional way, a redress of our grievances; and, certain I am that none but peculators and their friends will interpose their | influence to prevent that redress from being ..granted; for, it is utterly impossible, that such prevention should be attempted by any one who has not some selfish purpose to answer, and with whom any risk to the constitution is not of weight inferior to that of 1he risk which he himself runs from a radical reform of abuses, and a just punishment of the workers in corruption. it is curious enough to hear the advocates of the peculators, which advocates are, for the most part, peculators themselves; it is truly curious to hear them expressing their alarm, lest the present agitation of the public mind should lead to an imitation of the example of the French reformers, when it must be evident to every one, that those who are calling upon the parliament and the throne for redress, those who are endeavouring to obtain that redress, are taking the most effectual means of removing all pretext for popular violence, while, it must be equally evident, on the other hand, that the peculators are the only persons, to whom a subversion of all order, justice, and law, would be welcome. When we consider this, we cease to wonder at their present conduct, 3Much surprise has been expressed at their endeavours to thwart all the efforts of those who would prosecute the good work that

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spect, has been called desperate :-but, let it be remembered, that their situation is des. erate; and, that, if real redress be afforded, it will be little consolation to then that the government is thereby preserved, in changes tendirg to a subversion of the government and laws, the guilty, those to whom the laws are a terror; will neverb: found the hind most. The peculators, therefore, are, in their several ways and degrees, endeavouring, at all risks, to prevent the just desires of the people from bring com: pfied with : if they socceed without produce ing a popular turnult, they are safe, for a while at least ; and if popular tumult, to: gether with all its attendant mischiefs, the subversion of the law, the destruction of property and of rank, should be the constquences, then will the peculators have 4 chance of escaping. So that, the worst possible thing for them, is, that prompt redro should be granted to the people; because, in such redress, would necessarily be included their punishment. Vrry natoral, therefore, is their conduct; very natural is it for them to prefer general discontent before a redits of grievances; but, it requires the fell exertion cf even their brazen faculties to begin the cry against popular violence, and to as: fect an anxiety for the safety of the constitution ; that constitution, which they are

using their utmost endeavours to render

a nullity, and to induce the people no longer to confide in it; no longer to look to it as a rock of defence against oppressicn. Lest the cry of democratic fury should fail, that of fary has been set up. But, then, here arises a difficulty, which is, that, if it be a party matter, the unanimous voite of the people is with the party opposed to the ministry. The fact is, however, that it is no party matter; or, if such it must be called, it is the larty of the incorrupt against the . of the corrupt ; it is the enemies of peculation against peculators; it is the loyal and honest part of the nation against the public robbers. M R. Pitt's conn UcT. Though I have not time to enter, here, upon the whole of this gentleman's case, 1 cannot refrain from adverting to a point, or two which

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subsequent page. To that article I beg

leave to direct the reader's attention, and || having so done, I look upon the matter to .

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and frotter. I have before, and even twice before, made some observatious upon this part of the subject; and, I think, that, as far as those observations have gone, they - have generally been regarded as having conpletely, refuted the position of Mr. Pitt, that because there was finally, in Dundas's case, no defałcation: ; because the balance duc to the public was at last fully paid in, there was, upon the whole, no loss to the public. This position I have, I think, completely refuted before ; but, since the publication of the preceding sheet, I have fallen upon a document, which, had l seen it sooner, I

should have made use of for the purpose of

making Mr. Pitt refute himself. The document I allude to, is, a speech made by that gentleman, when, on the 17th of February, in the virgin year of 1785, he moved for leave to bring in a bill, which afterwards became that very act of parliament, which Dundas has now been censured for having grossly violated. In my endeavours to show, that the public had sustained a loss from this violation of the haw, I stated, that, as to that part of the loss. (for it was only one part, and that not the principal part) which arose from the unnecessary balances kept in the hands of Dundas and Trotter, “ to know the amount of the actual loss to “ the public in this way, the first thing to “do, is, to ascertain the average unne“cessary balance, in the hands of the Trea“surer, and , then reckon the amount of “ the compound interest on it at the end “of Duadas's Treasurership, which, alone, “will, probably, be found to amount to “ two or three hundred thousand pounds.” I stated, that “ the amount of this balance, “might have remained undrawn foom the “Exchequer, and that the Lords of the “Treasury might, of course, have suffered “ it to remain in the pockets of the people.” This was the principle upon which I argued; and, if this principle be admitted; nay if the whole of the doctrine be found to have been laid down by Mr. Pitt, and that, too, at the very, moment when he was offering the new-violated act to the House of Commons, where shall we look for an explanaion of the motive which has now, induced him to declare, that there has been no loss to the public from the conduct of Dundas

and Trotter? The speech, now about to be

quoted from, being made in a committee of the whole House upon that part of the King's speech recommending an early attention to the reports of the Commissioners of Accounts, embraced other matters as well as those immediately connected with the Treasurership of the Navy. Mr. Pitt began with the Receiver General, and, in speaking of the balances they held in their hands, he laid down the doctrine, to which the nation should now hold him. The Receivers General had, too, made the insufficiency of their salary the pretext of using the public money for their private advantage. Now, then, let us hear what Mr. Pitt, the pure, the immaculate, the heaven born reformer and economist, Pitt ; let us hear what he said of such a practice, who no he found it had existed under other administrations. “The “ Commissioners are induced to think, that “ the Receiver General of the Land Tax is “ not warranted” [though, observe, there was no law against it]," in the detention of “ the public money, either by the difficulty “ of procuring bills, or by the insufficiency of his salary. These practices have been considered by the Commissioners in a

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proper point of view ; for admitting that

“ the allowance is not adequate to his pains, “ yet this is not sufficient to justify him in his detention of a considerable balance. The community at large are greatly hurt by “ this mode of transacting business." Then, as to the degree in which the community are hurt, the following was his statement. “The Commissioners of Accounts have en‘ deavoured to form some computation “ of the loss sustained by the public “ from the detention of the money by “ the Receiver General, and, for that pur“ pose, they called for an account of the “ quarterly returns made by him to the taxoffice, whence it appears, that the ave“ rage amount in his lands from the 5th of “ July, 1788, to the 6th of July following, “ was 334,0011, the interest of which, at “ only 4 per centum, being 13,3621. a year; “ and this is the sum, which, it is imagined, the public has paid for want of the use of their money.” That this is a case exactly in point, no one can deny ; and, therefore, again I ask: where are we to look for the motive, which could induce this Mr. Pitt to assert, and to assert, over and over again,

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that the public has sustained no loss whatever

from the misapplication of the public money by Dundas and Trotter, though it be clearly proved by the Tenth Report and the accompany ng documents, that much larger

- balances than were accessary for the public

service were held in the hands of those per

sons, and that, too, at a time, when Mr. Pitt himself, as first Lord of the Treasury, was driven to the miserable

and disgracesui expedient of fabricating wind. bilis with the aid of a contractor and a jew broker IPhere are we, I say, to look for the motive, which could induce him to make this assertion ——Leaving this question to be answered by the reader, I should now advert once more to the topic of disinterestedness; a topic not by any means to be let drop for, the partisans of peculation, perceiving that, amongst the vulgar, both great and littie, the pocketting of the money is regarded as the most heinous part of the offence, are exerting their powers to the utmost to wipe that away. This topic I injust, however, defer till my next, begging, in the mean while, such of my readers, as happen to possess the works of BUR KE, to refer to, and to read from one end to the other, that speech, from which my motto is taken. I beg them well to consider the important truth inculcated by that motto; to call to mind, and to keep steadily in view, the two /ersons, to whose conduct the speech related; and, to rernetmber, that the famous strangement respecting the nabob of Arcot's debts was a contemporary with the act for regulating the Office of the Treasurer of the Navy and with all those boasted plans of economical reform, of the salutary effects of which Sir Charles Pole and his brother commissioners have now brought to light 'such indubitable proofs. ' PAR LIAMENTARY Divisions. – On Thursday, the 25th instant, Mr. Whitbread made a motion for the “ appointment of a “ Select Committee to make further in“quiry into the matters contained in the “ Tenth Report of the Commissioners of “ Naval lnquiry." To this Mr. Pitt moved an amendment, that the committee should be limited as to the objects of their inquiry; “ that they should be empowered to inquire

“ into the particular application of the Na

“val money to other purposes, and also to “ consider of the requisitions made to the “ Chancellor of the Exchequer, or to any of the Commissioners of his Majesty's “Treasury, as to the issuing of money, and ‘ as to the debt due to the Crown by the “ late Mr. Jellicoe.” This amendment was carried 229, against 151, leaving the minister a majority of 78; and the reader will clearly perceive, that the committee is thus prevented fron making any inquiry whatever as to the money transactions of Dundas and Trotter 4. After the above, and ther division took place upon the mode of constituting tha

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committee. Mr. Whitbread proposed twenty one persons, whom he named. To this Mr. Pitt objected, and moved for a committee by ballot; on which Mr. Fox observed, that he was astonished, that the minister should, upon a subject of such moment, resort to this mode; that nothing but perfect fairness could satisfy the ends of justice, and convince the people that the parliament was in earnest; that it was well understood, that a select committee of 21, if chosen by ballot, was a committee of persons, who spoke the sentiments of the minister; that if this were chosen in that way, jealousy and distrust would be the consequence; that this was a committee to try the ministers themselves; and, that it was a monstrous thing, that it should be nominated in a way that would countenance the supposition of influence.— Upon a division, however, there appeared for the minister, 251, and against him 12q, On the same day, to the utter astonishment of all those who witnessed the scene, and who had duly reflected up n the pressing nature of the case, Mr. Pitt, the same gentleman who brought in the act that Piscourt Melville has just been censured for grossly violating; the same gentleman, who, in the very hour that he proposed the said act, proposed to erect, and did afterwards erect, a Board of Commissioners, for detecting and correcting abuses; the same gentleman who, together with his friend Dundas, made the memorable arrangement with Paul Benfield and others relative to the debts of the Nabob of Arcot; the same gentleman who was first Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of the Exchequer at the time when Mr. Long, the Secretary of the Treasury, is, by Trotter, said to have returned a certain sum, which sum was unlawfully taken from the Bank; the same gentleman, whom, in the eleventh report, we find issuing wind bills at Somerset House, while he was boasting, in St. Stephen's Chapel, of the glorious effects of his “solid system of finance;" this same identical gentleman gave notice, on Tharsday, of his intention to make, next Monday, a motion for ................ wbat, think you? ........ Why, to appoint another Board of Commissioners to inquire into the expenditure of the public money in all the public offices ! Expenditure which has taken place under bimself! But, it was well known, that Mr. Grey intended to move for such a commission; and, in that case, observe, the minister, the principal person whose conduct is to be inquired into, would not have had the choosing of the Commissioners who are to make that inquiry' (This subject shall be revived.] - - : - - -->

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