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precise terms in which Lord Melville made those previous declarations, by which parliament is supposed to have been distinctly apprised that the case of war must wholly alter his calculations. In common parlance, the words no doubt imply some degree of uncer tainty, and are never used when specific evidence can be produced in support of a specific assertion. In the course of that very time, which is called a period of nearly uninterrupted war, we have his own annual declarations in print, affirming the exact contrary, repeated from year to year, and rising in vehemence of assertion in every successive year, until he resigned in June 1801. To clear up this question, we shall do what Lord Castlereagh has omitted; that is, we shall once more state the time, the place, and Lord Melville's own words on the subject.

In the first place, we state and affirm, that every provision and appropriation of the annual surplus of revenue in India, made by the Act of 1793, is equivalent to a perso nal engagement, on the part of Lord Melville, (who brought in the bill) that such surplus was to be depended on. That fundamental promise was preceded and followed by many oral and written declarations.On the 24th of May 1791, Lord Melville declared to the House of Commons, "I am "6 not disposed to undervalue the resources "of this country; but, notwithstanding any

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inauspicious aspect the present affairs of "India may be supposed to bear, I am still "sanguine, enough to hope that the day is "much nearer, when the resources of India ** will administer aid to the revenues of this country, than that, on which we are to apprehend that India will call for aid from "the finances of Great Britain."—5th June 1792" To save any gentleman the trouble of putting the question to me, "whether I adhere to the hopes I gave last year, that the day is much nearer when "the resources of India will administer aid

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to the revenues of this country, than that "on which we are to apprehend India will "call for aid from the finances of Great Britain; I anticipate the question, and answer in the affirmative; and the only dif ference is, that I am more sanguine in those "hopes than I was when I first asserted them."--In 1794, he reported to the House on the pecuniary arrangements of 1793, and said, "I have the satisfaction to reflect, that every statement, which has since been brought under consideration, has justified the expectations I entertained. from the measures I then recommended "to the adoption of parliament."-On the 4th of April 1794, he informed the

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stance that did not lead to confidence in "the increasing prosperity of the country. "In time of war, and when the markets of

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a great part of Europe were shut against "the Company, their sales were greater than they ever were before."- 20th of June, 1796, he said: "I have it still in my power to assert, that the appearance of the af "fairs of the East-India Company, both at "home and abroad, is most favourable. "The predictions, I then ventured to make, "have been all fully justified by the events;

and the sanguine hopes, I long professed "to entertain, have been all completely "realized."- On the 20th of December, 1796, he said: " that every hope which

he had formerly suggested had now been "fully confirmed, and that even his most "sanguine representations had not exceeded "the truth. That the war, which agitated

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Europe, did not reach the Company's "possessions, nor was it likely to do so "with any bad effect. That he was con "fident in asserting, the state of the Com "pany's affairs in India was in an increasing "progression of prosperity, and that there

was every prospect of the prosperity be "ing yet very considerably augmented; the "only question was, how far that point of "prosperity might be extended."On the 14th of July, 1797, he said: "the prospe

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rity of the East-India Company has been "increasing from the period when the ope "ration of the present system was brought "into full effect; and the amelioration of "their affairs, notwithstanding the war with

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Tippoo Sultan, between that period and "the present, amounts to no less than "11,000,000l. sterling, computing merely

on the increase of assets, and the decrease "of debts, without taking into the account "the enhanced value of the revenues of "India, and the improved state of the com

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merce. Under every contingency, the "affairs of the Company have been in a

"state of improvement. The prospects "now held out are fully warranted."

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On the 12th of March, 1799, he said: "I "am entitled to make that conclusion from "the immense improvement in the Compa" ny's affairs since it has been under its present management. Notwithstanding "the expensive wars in which we have been engaged, &c.; notwithstanding the interruption, which commerce must al"ways, more or less, experience in a state of warfare; yet have the affairs of India gobe on, from year to year, in a state of progressive improvement, without their pros"perity having stagnated for a single mo"ment."-On the 25th of March, 1800:

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the estimate of the year 1793 was formed on the most accurate calculations pre"scribed by the experience of past years, "That the prospects might not be over"rated, the resources, though evidently in "a state of improvement, were taken on a "moderate scale. This is proved by the "issue. Their produce has more than justi"fied the expectations; and, although fluctua❝tions on so immense a revenue must na"turally be expected, the estimate has been "exceeded in no less a sum than 1,000,000l. ❝ sterling on the average." Having gone through the whole of the figures, he said he had no doubt on his mind, but that the committee would be convinced, as he was, from the results of the whole, that the affairs of the Company were in a most flourishing and prosperous situation !On the 23d of July, 1800, he said: "In the year 1797, I pre"sented to the committee a most flattering "view of the surprising improvement "brought about in the course of ten years. "The reduction of debts, and the increase "of assets, were to an amount exceeding "11,100,000l. under the pressure and va"rious contingencies of war. But I have

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carried the comparison three years farther, which will take in a great part of the immense expenditure of the late war with Mysore; and find that the improvement during the thirteen years on the "same principle is 11,880,000l. If it be inquired, what is the state of the concern between 1796-7, and the date of the pre"sent accounts, in which period the extraordinary pressure has been mostly felt, it is satisfactory to discover that, without "any aid from increase of capital, the improvement has still been 747,000l."On the 30th of June, 1801, he said: "the most sanguine hopes niay be indulged from the present general aspect of the "Company's affairs. It is with the most *heartfelt satisfaction my mind contem

plates the amazing change in our political "relations in the East, at the present time, "compared with what they were in 1784. Let it suffice to say, that, by a happy "combination of efforts, both at home and "abroad, effects have been produced which "could scarcely have entered the minds of the "most sanguine"--Now, the reader will keep in mind, that this was the language of Mr. Dundas, year after year, while the EastIndia Company was augmenting its debt from seven millions towards the twenty mil lions which that debt has now arrived at, instead of sinking, as it was expected to do, down to two millions; and while the Conpany was paying, after the first year not one farthing into the King's Exchequer, instead of paying thereinto half a million every year, according to the engagement, the performance of which engagement was so strictly enjoined by an act of parliament! Yet, after all this, comes my Lord Castlereagh, and positively asserts, that his predecessor never calculated upon the ability of the Company to make the said payment, in case of wars in India! When it was during the time of such wars, that Mr. Dundas, from year to year asserted, that the affairs of the Com pany continued to grow more and more 'prosherous! The declaration last quoted was the last that parliament heard of Mr. Dundas, in his capacity of India minister. The last words the parliament heard from him, on the subject of India were, that "by a happy "combination of efforts both at home and "abroad, effects had been produced, which "could scarcely have entered the minds of "the most sanguine." And, yet we are now told about the inability produced by wars; and, we have the mortification to know, that out of six millions of money, due from the Company to the public for thecharter and monopoly, only the half of one million ever has been paid!--But, SET CONDLY, suppose that, contrary to all the calculations, assertions, and promises that we have just seen, there did arise, either from wars, or from any other cause, an inability to pay the annual half million to the nation. Supposing this to be the real truth, where are the documents to satisfy the parliament and the people? Where is the evidence, required by the act? When were parliament informed of any application hav ing been made to the Lords of the Treasury for a postponement of these payments? And, where is the order, made by those lords for such postponement, which order was to be laid before the parliament? Mr. Francis po sitively asserts, that no such papers have ever been laid before parliament; and yet

we know, that the money has not been paid? Where, then, was the authority to dispense with the payment, and to dispense also with the production of these vouchers, positively required by the act? Can the India minister, or can any minister, possess an authority like this? Surely not, for it is nothing short of an authority indepen lent of the parliament to suspend, or dispense with altogether, the observance of an act of parliament!--THIRDLY; in the preceding observations, it has been taken for granted, that the East-ludia Company has, ever since the renewal of the charter, been engaged in expensive wars; and, it has been shown, that according to Mr. Dundas's statements, even that supposition would not go a step towards excusing the failure to pay the half million a year into the Kings Exchequer. But, the fact itself is not founded in truth. In the ten years ending in March, 1803, there was only one actual war in India, that against Tippoo Sultan, which began in March and ended in May 1799; and, as to the expenses of this war, Mr. Francis shows, from the dispatches of Lord Wellesley himself, that the war must have paid much more than its own expenses!

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reagh would seem to mean, that, the Company, to be sure, owes the public 54 mil hens, but then, on the other hand, the public owes the Company seven millions, and that, therefore, it is not at all surprizing, that the public has not received, and does not receive, the half million a year. But, is this so? Surely, when Lord Castlereagh his thought a little, he will find it quite other. wise. He will find, that, for the sum charged on account of the expeditions against the French and Dutch factories, as also for that charged for the expeditions against Ceylon; for these sums he will find, that the Company has given themselves fuil credit in the account of their stock, and that they charge the public interest thereon. The charge for the expedition to Egypt stands in the same predicament; for, though its pres cise amount has not been settled, it appears by a note at the foot of the accounts, that the Company's claims thereon amount, probably, to upwards of two millions; andy for all this stock has been created, and the public are paying interest for it. But, this is not all. We have seen, that' the whole of these charges, supposing thems to be fairly brought as a set off against what The heavy pressure of the Mahratta war," the Company owes to the public, amount the operations of which did not begin till to no more than 6 millions. Now, oneTM August, 1803, is introduced into an account would hope, that it was hardly necessary which closes with the preceding March!-- to remind Lord Castlereagh, that since the FOURTHLY; Lord Castlereagh mentions the mouth of January, 1803, three millions sum of seven millons, expended, he says, by have been voted by parliament, and paid the East-India Company, in military and to the East-India Company out of our taxes, naval expeditions, "not immediately con- towards discharging what we owed that "nected with the Company's service." Of Company for the aforesaid expeditions! To these seven millions, as he calls them, the be sure, only two of these millions had been, sum of 1,230,9951. is charged for the taking actually voted, at the time when his lordship possession, very quiet possession indeed, of a published his speech; but, one would have few open French factories, and a couple of thought that two millions out of six were Dutch forts, which surrendered as soon quite sufficient to be entitled to notice, in s summoned. For the expedition against the performance so deliberately sent forth to Island of Ceylon is charged 3,130,5911. the world, as a refutation of the statements The charge for the India Company's part of of members of Parliament.--This, then, the expedition to Egypt is about 2,000 0001. is the state of the case, the public have been Now, whether these can be called expedi- debited for 6 millions expended, or said to tions, not Immediately connected with the have been expended, by the East-India Company's service, may be a question, Company, in expeditions (certainly for the though, it cannot escape one, that, if they sake of India) against the Indian settlements were not essentially necessary to the safety of the French and Dutch, and against Ceyof India, there has been a most shocking lon and Egypt, 3 millions of which six the waste of British lives and British taxes, in pub ic have paid in taxes; while, out of the wars ip Ceylon and Egypt. What, 6 millions, due to the public from the East? great God! were those wars for, if they were India Company, only half a million has been not immediately connected with the safety paid, though the payment was enjoined by of India! But leaving this question (and a an act of parliament still in full force. And very important one it is) open to future dis- yet, scarcely a word has been said upon this cussion, what is the fact with regard to the subject, while strenuous efforts are made Company's inability to pay the yearly half to resist a tax, the gross annual amount of million, as caused by the expenditure occa- which is only a hundred or two of thous sioned by these expeditions? Lord Castle-sands of pounds. This is, indeed, straining

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at a gnat and swallowing a giant Be fore I conclude, I cannot refrain from saying a few words upon the subject, in a different view of it from any that, as far as I recollect, has yet been taken.--The annual payment so often mentioned above ought, by law, to take place. The Company is liable to be called upon for it. Not to be called upon is a great advantage to the Company, of course, and a great injury to the nation, in a pecuniary way; but, in a political way, as a means of adding to the al ready-inmense influence of the minister of the day, be he who he will, it is beyond all comparison more injurious, as every one aust perceive, who reflects, that he thus kolds the vast India interest with a bridle in its mouth. The act provided, indeed, for making the postponement officially known to parliament, if a postponement should become necessary. The reasons for the postponement were to be stated to parliament; and this would naturally have given rise to discussion. Here was something of a check. But, the postponement has taken place; it has existed almost ever since the act was passed; no money has been paid for eleven years; and yet Mr. Francis clearly states, that no such report, as is, in such case, required by the act, has ever, at any time, been made to the parliament! The whole uncontrouled power has, then, been exercised by the minister of the day? who has, for reasons yet unexplained, forborne to require from the East-India Company, 5,500,000l. which, according to an act of parliament, that Company owes to the public. That there is not justifiable cause for this forbearance no one asserts; but, we do assert, that this cause has not been stated to parliament, as the act requires ; and, we cannot but know, that during the whole of the time that this forbearance has been exercised, the ministers for India affairs, have been officially representing the affairs of the Company as in a state of prosperity beyond what their most sangaine expectations could have anticipated.

I thus break off, for the present, hoping that the affairs of India will shortly undergo an ample discussion in parliament, and earnestly recommending to the perusal of the reader, the whole of that performance, to which he will easily perceive I am almost entirely indebted for the little knowledge have obtained upon the subject.

¡JAMAICA LEGISLATURE.--Some interesting documents relative to the government and affairs of Jamaica will be found at the head of the preceding sheet. The address of the Assembly to his Majesty, upon the sybex of the Licur. Governor late order

for interrupting the intercourse with Ame rica, (See p. 359) is worthy of particular at-1 tention. Lord Camden's letter, upon which the Lieut. Governor acted, will be found amongst the documents; and, from it, I think, it clearly appears, that the Lieut. Governor did not act conformably to the spirit, at least, of the instructions sent him from the ministers. I ord Lavington, Governor of the Leward Islands, received a letter to the same purport, and, indeed, in the same words, from Lord Camden; but, as may be seen by refering to his proclamation in p 353 of the present volume, he thought himself fully authorised to continue the intercourse between those islands and the United States of America. Some stable regulation should be adopted with regard to this important matter. The well being, and, eventually, the peace and allegiance of a great colony, should not be thus suffered to depend upon the will of an individual. -The truth is, that there should be some principles laid down by act of parliament for regulating this intercourse. The necessaries of life to a colony, and a great colony too, should never be received as a boon at the hands of any minister. The West India interest is great; but, it is easy to conceive, that it never can, for one mo ment, be independent of the minister of the day, so long as that minister can, without coming to parliament, continue, or cut off, the source of food to the West Indies. Lord Sheffield objects strongly to this straightening, or stretching, the navigation. laws, by Orders of Council. I do not recollect the precise grounds of his lordship's objection.; but, certainly the objection that I have stated is quite sufficient without any other.-The ministerial power, in this case, must operate like that exercised with respect to the annual half million of the East India Company. The loans to Grenada was another instance of the same sort. These things have arisen not sp much from design, on the part of the minis ter, as from a general want of watchfulness, The evils of influence always come on at first in the guise, as well as under the name, of benefits. Proceeding from a distance, too, and advancing through channels so devious, their approach is scarcely ever perceived till it is too late. Hence is there some reason to fear, that, if we are not upon our guard, the prediction of a profound politician will be verified: " that, the English constitution "would perish under the effect of a disease creeping over her from her extremities." SLAVE TRADE Last week," (says the Sys of the 18th instant) the wife of one of the men employed in cutting the canal at Shorncliffe was conducted by her busband to the market place at Hythe

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"with a halter round her neck, and tied to a

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post, whence she was purchased for 6d. by 66 a Mulatto, the long drummer belonging "to the band of the 4th regiment, lately in "barracks at that place."And yet we go three thousand miles distance to see for objects of legislative compassion! Do we make an outcry against the slave trade; do we make annual calls upon the parliament to put an end to that trade; are there men who broadly hint that the House of Lords is useless because it refuses to listen to such calls; and are we, all the while, really without a law to punish abominations, such as that above recorded?

COUNTRY BANK NOTES.- The following paragraph has appeared in most, if not all, the London papers, and, from its situation in those papers, its insertion has evidently been paid for. "Tuesday last" (I quote from the Morning Chronicle of the 15th instant)" a respectable meeting of the "merchants and traders of the city of Exe❝ter was held at the Guildhall, to consider

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from experience and observation. cause, to me it does not appear that notes confined to one place can, from that circumstance merely, produce any bad effect. If such notes were entirely driven from circulation, there would be instantly made, others of a more extended range, to supply their place; and, if all country bank notes were driven out of circulation, their place must be filled up by notes of the Bank of England; for, let the gentlemen of Exeter be well assured, that the total quantity of paper now in circulation, can never be dimi nished, without destroying the whole. They see new banks starting up. They perceive, as well from the daily increasing quantity of the paper as from the revolution in prices and in every one's private affairs, that there is great danger; that every thing is fast overturning; that we are rapidly ap proaching towards a crisis. All this they see; but, I do not think, they look far enough for the cause.

IRISH ROMAN CATHOLICS. The delegates of the Irish Catholics made three distinct propositions to Mr. Pitt;-1st, That he should present their petition, and pro pose their immediate emancipation-2d,

"ed into against them. In the mean time,That he should present their petition, and "several clergymen and landholders in that

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neighbourhood have given notice to their "parishioners and tenants, that they will re"ceive no such notes in payment, for rent or "tythes, at the ensuing collection at Lady "Day, which will no doubt operate most "powerfully to check this alarming evil. "The merchants, &c. of Plymouth, have "entered into resolutions similar to those "adopted in Exeter; and we hear that

many

other cities and towns in this king"dom are preparing to follow so laudable an example." What! Enter into combinations, and hold public meetings and pass resolutions against Bank Notes! And are all the Treasury writers silent? Is there no one to cry out; no one that has zeal and impudence enough to accuse these gentlemen of Exeter of "decrying the resources of their "country;" of exciting " doubts in the

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propose the adoption of a resolution, the purport of which should be to recognise the justice of their claims, and to express a disposition to comply with those claims when circumstances should render such.com. pliance expedient.-3d, That he should present their petition, and let it lie upon the table. He objected to them all; and, thereupon, the delegates applied to Lord Grenville, Mr. Fox, and other gentlemen of great political consequence. The peti tion is now to be presented, agreeably to notices given, by Lord Grenville and Mr. Fox. Mr. Pitt's former declaration to parliament, an extract from which will be found as the motto to this sheet, will be found at full length, in Vol. IV. P. 840.

THE TENTH KEPORT has, at last, been printed. The next Register will convey it to all those who have been unable to obtain a copy of it sooner. It is of vast impor

minds of the people;" of holding out "encouragement to our implacable enemy?"tance, and should be read by every one in For the honour of Downing Street and Whitehall, let us hope that this unaccountable silence will not be of long duration But, I should, however, like to know, on what grounds it is, that the local notes, as they are called, are regarded as an "alarm

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ing evil" any more than other notes, I do not say that there are not particular objections against them; but, I really should like to hear those objections stated in a plain manner; by some person who can speak

the kingdom, through the whole of which there is not an honest man who will not applaud the integrity and resolution of the Commissioners and of the noble Lord, who proposed their appointment-Lord Melville's partisan writers say, that he is extremely anxious for a parliamentary discussion upon the subject; and, therefore, they must be highly delighted, that he is so soon to be gratified.

Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Bow Street, Covent Garden, where former Numbers may be had ; sold also by J. Budd, Crown and Mitre, Pall-Mall.

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