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stitutes for herrings, shads, or mackarel, the provision of which substitutes is altogether unattainable in any of the Leeward Islands. And whereas, from various causes in time of war, the expectation of the smallest degree of supply of herrings, shads or mackarel, from the British colonies in North America, is a perfectly hopeless speculation, and the most favourable supply of them, which, from long and uniform experience can be annually expected from any of the ports of the United Kingdom of Great-Britain and Ireland, is found to be much too precarious, and infinitely too irregular in every respect, but particularly in the periods of their arrival, to answer the constant and unremitting demands of the plantations in the Leward Islands; and whereas, the sudden privation of these last mentioned articles, not only may create the greatest inconvenience, and produce the most pernicious consequences in the said colonies, but must inevitably disable every owner or director of slave or slaves in them from fulfilling the duty imposed on him or her by the first section of the before-mentioned act for meliorating the condition of the slaves in the Leeward Islands-Now conceiving the immediate case to be one of those of "real and very

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great necessity," which demands my exercise of the discretionary power lodged in me on such occasions, I hereby notify, that over and above the articles specified in the before-mentioned act passed in the 28th year of His Majesty's reign, and already described in this proclamation, I likewise permit the importation from the 'American States into the ports of the islands in my government, of herrings, shads, mackarel, and all sorts of pickled and salted fish, for the space of six ca. lendar months, to be compated from the date of this proclamation; by the expiration of which period some means may be devised by which His Majesty's Lecward Islands may be supplied with the said articles from ports of His Majesty's own deminions, or I may receive His Majesty's fur. ther commands on this subject.--Provided that no importations of any kind be made from the states of America on more favourable terms, as to duties on entry, than on similar importations from the British colonies in North America, where such duties are due and payable: whereof all persons concerned are to take notice, and govern themselves accordingly.Given under my hand and seal at arms, at the Government-house at Antigua, this 29th day of November, in the year of our

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SIR,- -You have lately written so much, and so well, respecting the British Army, that, perhaps, little more need, or can, be said on the subject. The recruiting, however, is a matter of such moment, that you, probably, will not object to admitting a few observations on it.I have lately had an opportunity of seeing great exertions made to obtain men for rank, and where no expense has been spared, and I am decidedly of opinion, that the great objection is to becoming soldiers for life. Men who have the highest value for liberty, (the birthright of Englishmen) do not, be assured, like to pawn it even for a very large sum; and, that becoming soldiers, has always been considered as pawning it, I believe, no man will deny. As a remedy to this objection, then, the enrolling men for limited time of service, at once presents itself; and surely a method employed, in some of those continental armies, the most esteemed, and certainly best disciplined, should not hastily be rejected. In addition to the limitation of service, as a further inducement, it appears to me, that it would be advantageous, that after the time of service has expired, each soldier should be allowed a daily pay, which joined to what he might earn by his labour, would render the remainder of his days comfortable, and which, at the same time, should be considered as a retainer for his services at home, if wanted. This would, I imagine, at once put a stop to the desertion, at present, I am sorry to say, so alarmingly prevalent, by not only insuring a man his discharge at a certain time, but holding out to him a permanent pecuniary reward for remaining until that time. I cannot speak correctly as to the average time of service throughout the army; but, from the fre quency of desertion within the last 10 years, I imagine more men have, in this manner, quitted it, than have remained beyond that time. If I am right in this conjecture, and supposing the plan I have mentioned to pot a stop to desertion, (by limiting the first engagement to 10 years) the country would be benefited in proportion to the number of men gained annually by recruiting, more than are gained at present. I would therefore propose, that a man should be enlisted for 10 years; that after this period he should be entitled to his discharge, and six pence per day for life: but as he will sot, probably, be worn out after this time, should

he chuse to engage for a further period, I would offer hin a small bounty, and after 3, 5, 7, or 10 years more, as he might agree for, or his constitution admit, he should again be entitled to his discharge, and a further advance of his allowance for life, in proportion to the length of his service; so that after 20 years service, he should have a shilling a day. An advance of three halfpence at each of the periods I have stated would perhaps do; so that after having served 13 years he should be entitled to seven pence halfpenny, and so on in proportion. I must here beg, that in these calculations, &c. you would not fancy I speak as of a regularly digested plan; I merely submit hints that might serve on which to ground one. I am aware, that the system I have laid down may, at first, appear an expensive one, from the number of men who, after a certain time, would be entitled to the different allowances: but it must be considered, that in proportion to the number of men thas pensioned, will be the number of men of other descriptions of force required for home service and supposing even that a large number live to an age which should render them incapable of service, so much the stronger claim have they on a liberal public (whom in their youth they have faithfully served) for a maintenance in their old age. Another objection has been held to hmited service, that is, the diminution which may take place in an army, from many men being entitled to their discharge when they are on foreign service, and when they are wamed: but those who urge this must be very little acquainted with the character or spirit of the British soldier, who was never yet known to shrink from danger, when required to face it. Under such circumstances, whilst they existed, he would most chearfully stand by his country, his comrades, and his colours. That in removing the enlisting for life you remove the grand impe "diment to the recruiting of the army, I have not the slightest doubt; that the granting greater privileges and advantages, and removing some of the present difficulties under which soldiers labour, would also tend To facilitate recruiting, there is every reason to suppose. I do not, however, agree with Mr. Windham, [I do] in thinking that allowing serjeants to kill game would at all benefit it. At all events, it would not tend to improve discipline. Perhaps the giving the soldier (his service ended) a vote, might be to many an inducement to enlist. As I have mentioned privileges and advantages I cannot avoid saying a few words respecting the officers pay. (The soldier, in this respect,

is well off;) and I scarcely dare say much, least I should appear interested: but I will venture to assert, that no officer, of a rank inferior to that of captain, can in England live at his regimental mess on his pay: in fact, he can barely exist. And is this the situation to which the members of the proudest profession should be reduced? It seems universally allowed, that throughout all ranks an increase of pay is necessary, to place officers in that situation in society, which it was intended they shou'd hold, when first the present rates of pay were established. --I am aware, that in saying this and what follows, I in some measure appear to depart from my original intention of peaking only as to the recruiting of the army: but still I cannot help feeling, that what tends to make the army more respectable, must tend to increase it; and vice versa The liberal hand with which military titles have lately been scattered, certainly diminishes the consequence of those, who, after serving 20 years in all climates, think themselves fortunate in arriving at the rank of a field officer; for it certainly is a grating thing to such a man, on his return to England, if called upon to act in defence of bis native' country, to find himself commanded by his grocer, bis mercer, or his attorney: and many of these gentlemen, I am well assured, hold lieutenant-colonels' commissions; indeed, I have heard, this liberal distribution of rank stated as a reason, why the country gentlemen have not so generally stepped forward to volunteer their services. If then they feel it, in how much greater a degree must he feel it, who owes alone to his merit and his length of service the situation he enjoys? and in how much is the high value of that situation diminished, from the frequent occurrence of lieutenant-colone's, majors, and captains of volunteers? -I am, Sir, your's, &c.- -A FIELD OF

FICER.

SUMMARY OF POLITICS.

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of the principal; to the discharge of it; to the paying of the bolders for it; to the taking of it 142 and destroying it. It is truly a shame to employ so many different phrases to express what is equally well expressed in one word, in the word redeem only; but, the fault is not mine; that word, as well as all others of nearly the same signification, have been so abused, their meaning has been so perverted; they are become so equivocal, in consequence of the use that has been made of them with regard to the Pitt sinking fund, that they are, upon subjects of this sort, no longer capable of filling their former places, or of performing their proper functions. The Americans do, I say, really reduce their national debt. They raise a sum of money in taxes annually, and they re lcom with it as much stock as it will purchase. Realty redeem it. They buy it, pay for it, take the evidences of it from the individual holders, they throw those evidences in the fire; that which they have so redeemed is no longer in existence; and, of course, they no longer pay interest upon it. This is redeeming; but, can we be said to redeem; we, who continue to pay interest upon all the stock, just the same as if we had no sinking fund?--But, the fact is, that the original intention of our sinking fund, as expressed in the act of parliament, by which it was established, and which was passed in the year 1786, was, somewhat similar to the plan pursued in America. Not so good, indeed; but, in principle, bearing some analogy to it. It provided for the redeeming, I mean (good reader, have patience with me!) I mean real redeeming, of a portion of the debt, when the annual income of the fund should amount to 4 millions. It did not, like the American plan, raise a sum of money every year, lay it out in stock, destroy the stock, and take from the taxes the amount of the interest before wanted for the said stock. It was not so simple, satisfactory and efficient as this plan; but, it afforded some foundation for a rational hope that an alleviation of burdens would arise from it. The commissioners, to whom was to be entrusted the management of it, were to keep it accumulating, till the interest upon it, or, in other words, the amount annually paid by the people on account of it, should amount to 4 millions. Then it was to cease accumulating, and its 4 millions a year were thenceforth to be applied to the real redeeming of the debt; that is to say to the purchasing of stock, upon which stock interest was no longer to be paid by the people. The words of the act, as touching this point, are the dividends"

That is the quarterly interest]" due on

"such parts of the principal stock, as shall thenceforth be paid off by the said commis"sioners, shall no longer be issued at the Ex

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chequer, but shall be considered as rediem. "ed by parliament." Yes; that would have been reat redeeming; but, if such an effect was required in order to justify the applica tion of the word redeem, with what propriety do the ministers now apply that word to the effect of the sinking fund, which effect, in consequence of subsequent alterations in the plan of the sinking fund, and particularly the last that was made, never can, according even to the calculations of the ministers themselves, take place till about forty or fittg years hence? What front, then, does it require; what a reliance on the forbearance or ignorance or impotence or servility of others does it require to enable the advocates for the act of 1756 now to speak of, and to state in writing, as stock redeemed, that stock upon which the dividends (that is to say, the interest) are still issued at the Exebequer!The great alteration, or rather the total abandonment, of the original plan of our sinking fund, took place in the year 1802, and in the act which was passed on the 22d of June in that year, that is, stat, 42 of the King, c. 72, wherein the former act, as far as related to the real redeeming provision was repealed; and the stock purchased, and to be purchased, by the commissioners was made to remain unredeemed, the interest still being to be paid on it, as it now is. The merit of the original plan was question. able. It was, I think, pretty evident, that, unless we began to extinguish at once, as the Americans did, we never could do it afterwards; and, that which might have been foreseen has now proved to be the case. The sums paid quarterly from the Exchequer into the hands of the commissioners, answers no other end than that of keeping up the price of the funds, by creating a demand for stock, a considerable purchase of which the commissioners are, by law, obliged to make every week. So that, in fact, the 6 millions a year, which Mr. Pitt tells us the sinking fund produces, is, so much money raised yearly in taxes, for the purpose of enabling the minister to make such purchases in the stock market as shall prevent the commodity from falling to a degree that would blow up the system; upon exactly the same principle that the old woman sent her daughter on before her to market with money to buy up other people's eggs, in order to keep up the price of those that she was about to bring in her basket -The difference in the Ame rican sinking fund and that of Mr. Pitt is fully shown in their different effects. The

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American general government began, in 1789-90 with a debt of 70 millions of dollars. The sum annually 'required for interests and charges was about 3,300,000 dollars; and such their annual charge on account of debt remains to this day. But, observe, that they have, during the 14 years, made ner loans to the amount of about 40 millions of dollars; so that, it appears, that they have, during the 14 years, actually redeemed, extinguished, and destroyed, about 40 millions of debt. They borrowed money for the ar mament against France; for that against Algiers and Tripoli; and, lately, to the amount of 13 millions of dollars for the purchase of Louisiana, for which 13 millions they have, of course, value received. Yet, their annual charge on account of debt has been kept down to what it originally was, by means of the sumns which they have so judiciously appropriated for reducing the principal of that debt. But, what have we done? We too, have been making new loans; but, have we paid off, have we extinguished, have we destroyed any part of the principal of the debt? Not a single pound's worth of it. We still pay interest upon the whole of the stock that was in existence in 1786 and also upon the whole of the stock that has been created since that time. In 1786, the total capital of the debt was 250 millions, and the annual interest and charges amounted to 9 millions. At December, 1803 (for the last year's account is not yet delivered), the total of the capital was 588 millions, and the annual interest and charges amounted to 25 millions. Let any man show me, then, if he can, what advantage we derive, or are likely ever to derive, from this sinking fund? What alleviation of burdens it produces, or is likely to produce? Does not every one sce the clear difference between the American mode of reducing their debt, and our mode? That the former produces a real reduction, and that the latter produces no reduction at all? In time of peace," some son of credulous hope will exclaim: "it will work "miracles in time of peace!" Not at all; for, supposing us never to make another loan, and suppose peace to come to-morrow, the annual sum to be paid by us in taxes, on account of debt, will remain just as great as it now is, as long as the present pernicious system is persevered in.- -But, is it not madness to think of discontinuing to make loans, as long as this system lasts? For this year the army, navy, ordnance and contingencies, are estimated at little short of 40 millions. Does any one believe, that a peace now made, by Mr. Pitt or by any body else, would much reduce this annual charge?

Was the annual charge much reduced during the last peace? Nay, were not loans made both those years? And was not the annual charge on account of debt augmented in the sum of 2 milions and a half? And, is it likely that a peace to diminish much our naval and military expenses can now be made? The whole of the annual income of the nation, car taxes included, does not now, and will not next year, amount to more than 40 millions. The charge on account of the national debt alone, will never again, as long as the Pitt system lasts, amonat to less that 29 millions a year; leaving 11 millions a year for the purpose of defraying the expenses of army, navy, ordnance, and contingencies, which, as was before stated, now amount to 40 millions a year, and which none but a madman, or a fool, can hope to see reduced to a sum less than about 25 millions in time of peace, if peace should be made now. Here, then, even upon the peace establishment, are 14 millions a year left to be raised by leans; and, observe, that this is supposing that all the present war taxes, as they are termed, will (as they must.be) rendered permanent ! Never, therefore, in peace or in war, can we again expect to see a year pass over our heads without a new loan. What must those persons be, then, who console them. selves with the hope of the relief to be de. rived from the operations of the Sinking Fund; that fund, that very fund, which, on a future occasion, I think I shall be able to prove to be the principal cause of our embarrassments and our dangers!-But, if, upon a supposition that pesce should be concluded this year, we are doomed to make annual loans, what have we, as to this point, to expect as the consequences of a six years' longer continuation of the war? Such a continuation would, in all probability, swell the annual charge on account of debt to the amount of 40 millions, and, indeed, to a greater amount; that is to an amount equal to that of the whole present income, war taxes included, leaving the whole of the expenses of the army, navy, &c. &c. to be provided for by loans. Is it possible, I will ask any reasonable man, for the state to exist, for the monarchy to stand, in such a state of things? And, is it, then, not time for men, for public men, for legislators, for ministers, for noblemen, and, above all, for princes, to think of making preparation for the crisis; to consider of the means by which the stroke may, when it comes, be prevented from sub. verting the throne and burying our liberties beneath its ruins?--He who is disposed to smile at these apprehensions, should before he gives too much latitude to his mirth, con

siller seriously, whether there be, or be not, any foundation for my opinions. He should look attentively at the progress of the annual charge on account of debt; he should compare the present amount of that charge with the annual amount of the national income; he should estimate the probable duration of war, the probable yearly expenses of peace, and the inevitable consequences of continuing to make annual loans in peace as well as in war. He should look into the history of public debts; of currencies depreciated; and should ask himself: what have invariably been the consequences of a state of things, in which all contracts become nugatory, or, are binding only to the destruction of right? When he has duly considered these things, let him reflect on the consequences that night arise from an invasion, an insurrection (even if confined to the capital), from combinations of different descriptions of men, drawn together and pushed on in a desperate course by the injuries arising from the disturbance of prices, occasioned by the increase, and consequent degradation, of the currency. And, let him be well upon his guard against drawing a conclusion favourable to the Sinking Fund, merely because he finds the theory of that project good; always remembering, that that which is perfectly true in figures, may be completely false in fact. Upon a point of this sort, Lord Lauderdale, in his admirable work upon Public Wealth, has, in Chapter IV, the following remark "Lest the reader should "be disposed to think, with the generality "of mankind, that what is true in figures, "and the result of accurate calculation, "must be true in practice, and possible in "execution; he is desired to reflect, that ose peony put out, at our Saviour's birth, "at 5 per centum, compound interest, would "before this time, have increased to a great

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er sum than could be contained in five "hundred millions of earths, all of solid tr gold; and that this is a calculation as accuyate, and as true, as any with which parliament has been furnished in the progress of this delusion." This chapter is upon the sinking fund Before his Lordship's pen the smoky mists, raised by the Aucklands, the George Roses, the Chalmerses, the Vansittarts, the Sinclairs, and other dabblers in political economy, By in every direction, leaving Mr.Pitt and his project clearly exposed to every man who has common sense and a common degree of discernment. The thery of the Sinking Fund mu-t .be considered separately from the practice. In theory it is true that the national debt is a

course of redemption Ly means of the

Sinking Fund; in practice the same propo sition is utterly false. I shall, on the first convenient occasion, return to this important subject; when I intend to give a succinct history of the Sinking Fund, showing, as I proceed, how its purposes, and the opinions of its advocates, have been continually upen the shift. Particularly I shall endeavour to show the fallacy of the argument, which is built upon the acknowledged and undenia ble efficacy of a Sinking Fund (founded upen a theory like that of the Pablic Sinking Fund) in clearing off the mortgage upon a private estate. Much of the present deception arises from the want of perceiving the falacy of this compari-on; by removing which, therefore, we shall certainly make an advance towards the truth.

SLAVE TRADE.The readers of the Register will reinember, that, towards the close of the last session of Parliament, Mr. Wilberforce brought into the House of Commons a bill for abolishing this trade. The prearable of the bill stated the slave trade to be" contrary to the principles of justice and “humanity.", Ty the remarks which were made thereon, at the time, should be thought worth recurring to, they will be found in vol. V. p. 933, and in the same volume, p. 1007. The bill was introduced on the 30th of May, and was finally passed and sent to the Lords on the 27th of June. The seve ral debates will be found in the Parliamentary Debates, vol II. p. p. 440, 543, 649, 845, and 803, where it will be perceived, that the House divided five several times upon the subject; to wit: on the 30th of May, for the abolition 124, against it 49; on the 7th of June, for 100, against 42; on the 13th of June, for 79, against 20 on the 25th of June, for 52, against 9, on the 27th of June, for 09, against 33. having reached the House of Lords, their Lordships read it a first time, and postponed the second reading of it for six months. This being the mode usually adopted when it is intended never to read the bill again. Mr. Wilberforce, on the 14th ultimo, brought in another bill, haying the same object in view. No opposition to this bill was made till the 28th ultimo, when the second reading was moved for by Mr. Wilberforce, and when general Gascoigne moved an amendment to the motion, for the purpose of putting of the second reading of the bill to that day six months. After a debate of considerable length and of great public interest, the House divided, when there appeared, for the abolition 70, against it 77; and thus, to the astonishment of all those who had only duly reflected on the change which this question

The bill,

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