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ral View of the Agriculture of Hertfordshire, says: “I am sorry to observe, that a Aréia“dict against granting leases, increasing daily, “will, if not checked by the good sense of “the landlords, injure, beyond any calcula“tion, the agriculture of the kingdom.” Mr. KENT, in his agricultural survey of Norfolk, says: “ that leases are the first, the “greatest, and most rational encouragement , “that can be given to agriculture, admits “not of a doubt in my opinion. But of late years there are very strong prejudices enter“tained against them. In many counties,” continues he, “the Arjo lice is so strong that “an owner would as soon alienate the fee sim“he of his estate as delaise it for a term of “years. It grieves me,” says he again, “to go “into a country, which I often do, and find “it almost in a state of nature, because the “soil being wet and expensive to cultivate, “the tenant cannot afford to do it without “encouragement, and the owner's insur“mountable objection to leases keeps him from “granting the sort of encouragement which is “essentially necessary." Another writer, Mr. Middleros, says, in his View of the Agriculture of Middlesex, “It is, without doubt, “a most unreasonable / rejudice which many “proprietors entertain against granting leases “ of their estates; for the with holding these “certainly operates as a most powerful bir "against every improvement." And after a long discussion of the subject, he adds, “leases appear to me to be of so much im"Portance, as being perhaps the most power. ful and rational means of promoting im: provements in agriculture, that I hope I shall . stand excused for having entered so fully on “this branch of the report.” Here, then, **omething worthy of the serious attention § Parliament in géneral, and of Sir Robert Buxton in particular. Here is an official rePort, or, rather a concurrence of official rePo, from persons paid by the government **Tuire into the state of the agriculture of

the kingdom ; and the information it commu

*s, is, First, that leases are the first,

* Botest, and the most rational encourage**, that can be given to agriculture; and, that he refusing of leases is the greatest pos. *ole impediment to agricultural industry, and : ***, to the production of corn, where: "chief food is made. Secon DLY, that, juo: years, there have arisen strong prethis s onst the granting ot leases; that 80 Police is daily increasing; and that, ... is it, that an owner would as

emise o the fee simple of his estate as "he real st ... a term of years.--That such is

*nied ate of the case cannot, I think, be - • **w land holders in the House of

Commons can be ignorant of the facts stated by the agricultural surveyors ; and, I believe, few of them will deny, that it would be advantageous to them if it were otherwise, and if they could venture to let long leases as formerly. The effect of this impediment to agricultural industry, is, a dead loss to the country; because, it prevents the land from being so well cultivated as it would be by the very same persons that are employed on it, and which persons eat just as much as if they worked more. No land at yearly rent was ever yet cultivated to the best advantage; and to yearly rents all the firms in the kingdom are fast approaching. But, though the agricultural surveyors, as well, inded, as every one else, can clearly see, that the granting of long leases would remove this greatest of all impediments to agricultural industry, none of them seem to have thought it necessary to make the least inquiry as to the impediment to the granting of leases. They do, indeed, talk about a “prejudice;” a “strong “ prejudice;” an “ unreasonable pre“judice;” but, this is not the way to settle so material a point. Call it prejudice, if you will; but, then we come back to the place whence we started, and I ask you, whence this prejudice has arisen. What is the cause of it Do you say, that it has arisen from the soily, or whim. of the land-owners ? Then I ask : how did this whim never happen to take them before ? For, you yourselves say, that, it is only of late years, that they have begun to refuse to grant long leases.—I have before thrown out some hints as to the true cause of this reluctance of landlords to grant leases; but I will here treat the matter a little more at large. Before the commencement of the very rapid depreciation of money occasioned by the enormous loans, the consequent increase of the quantity of paper-money, and especially by the stoppage of cash payments at the Bank; before this epoch, leases of farms were usually granted for 2 1 years; some for 14 years ; some for I 1 years; and some, but comparatively very few, for a term so short as that of 7 years. Last summer a large temporary aid was proposed to be granted to the Civil List, and also a permanent addition to it. That the the grant was made by parliament we know ; and, it should not be forgotten, that it was called for upon the ground of the vast rise in prices (which is another phrase for depreciation of money), which

had taken place, since the annual allow

ance for the civil list was fixed by parliament; that is to say, since the year 1787.

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. 905), “that no gentleman who reh £o on the very do. rise that “ had taken place in every article of do“ mestic consumption and accommodation, “"could be surprized that His Majesty had “ not confined his expenses, under that “head, within limits that had been mark“ed out so long since. An increase of “40, 50, or 6ol, per centum had taken “place in such articles since the year “ 1787." Mr. Rose, in his pamphlet upon the civil list, published in 1801, stated the rise at 75l. per centum, and, in some cases at 1ool. per centum. But, we have better facts to proceed upon than the statements and calculations of these gentlemen. That is to say, a circumstantial account of the rise in the price of bread, which is the true standard of the real value of money, for the last fifty years. From this account (which see in Vol. VI. . 2 so) it appears that the Åo. o of the quartern loaf, s. d. during the ten years ending with

1760, was ........ . . . . . . . . . . o 5% During the ten years ending with

1776................: .....: o 0} During the ten years ending with 1789. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . o. 7 During the ten years ending with

1796........ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . o 7%

During the thirteen and a half years ending in July, 1824 . . . . . . . . . . . . 9

Such then, has been the progress of the de

preciation of money. Lord Castlereagh

and Mr. Pitt will say: “no ; it is not deprecia

tion of money; it is only rise in the price of . ...? Be it so 7. call it what you will, the consequence is precisely the same to whomsoever is obliged to live upon a fixed income. Wheatley excepts the landholders from those who suffer on account of the depreciation of money : because, says he, they can raise their rents to keep pace with the depreciation. Very true; and precisely for that reason it is, that they ...?. let their lands only from year to year. Previous to the year 1795 (for it was not till then that the rapid depreciation of money began) landlords had no objection to let long leases; because, as wis! be perceived by the progress in the rise of frices above exhibited, even a twenty-one slight falling off in the real value of their

s; but, when the man who had granted

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scond, in 1766, that his rent, though it pie erved is nominal valie, was really worth little more than half as much as it

foLITICAL REGISTER.—to budget.* - o Mr. Pitt said (See Parl. Debates, Vol. II.

ears’ lease produced but a

was when he let his firm; when he perceived, that other farms of the same value,

now let for twice as much as he was receiv

ing for his; when he perceived, that while he was daily sinking intopoverty, his tenant was swellig into riches, and only waiting for

the moment to ride over him; he began to

inqore into the cause, and, when the lease exired, tool good care not to grant ato her for above two or three years at most, Some landlords have continued to grant leases; and there will be still some found to do it for a year or two longer perhaps. Habit is very powerful ; and, besides, the cause is not well enoogh understood to prevent all landlords from believing, that a good swinging addition to the old rent will secure them for the riext 14 or 2 years. But, if the present system of finance be pursued, this purblind state will soon gpo off: the consequences will become visible to the dullest eyes : and then, as Mr. Kent says, the landlord will, indeed, as soon alienate the fee simple of his estate as demise it for a term of years.—Such, then, though the Agricultural Surveyors do not appear to have obtained even a glimpse of it, is the real cause of the refusal, on the part of landlords, to grant leases, which refusal is stated to be, and undoubtedly is the most powerful impediment to agricultural industry. And how comes it that it has newer attracted the attention, or, at least, never

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| all men of all parties appear to have adopted.

When a demand, is made for money, the mode of raising it is the only subject of censure or criticism; and, when the§. is driven hard upon that head; * Well," sayi

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he, “shew me a better way: if not you * cannot find fault that I pursue this, for * I tell you that so much must be got, or I “cannot pay the interest of the national “ debt.” To put an end to the payment of that iuterest; to suspend the payment during war; even to reduce it in amount; never seems to come, for one moment, athwart the mind of any man. To hear people talk upon this subject, a total stranger to our situation and circumstances, would think the national debt to be something belonging to the soil or the atmosphere of the country. We look at its progress with apprehension and even with terror; but we seem to wait for its final effects with that sort of feeling that malefactors wait for the day of execution. Here! here!' and no where else, is the canker-worm that is eating out the heart of England 1 And till that ever-gnawing worm be killed, one moment's real peace she will never know. Black RegiMENTs.--The following extract is taken from a ministerial paper of the 21st instant. “Government is said to ** have contracted with a mercantile house “ in the West Indies, for a supply of 5,000 African negroes, from the age of 16 to 30, to serve as soldiers in the Leeward Islands. The contract is to be completed within a year, and application has been made by the contractors to merchants in London and Liverpool, to assist them in completing their engagement. Mr. B. of the latter place, has agreed to furnish one thousand negroes at 55 1 per head.”—Per bead! and by contract too! And while abill is before the House of Commons for abolishing the slave trade 1 What, are we, then, to send recruiting parties to the coast of Guineal Are these negro-soldiers to be raised by negro parish-officers, or how This, if true, seems to have been all that was wanted to cap the climax of inconsistency and absurdity. We have, we are told, 800,000 men in arms (for the statement is now swelled to that), and yet we are driven to such means to preserve our most valuable colonies, which, let it be observed, do not require an establishment of more than 15,000 men, do ngt occasion a waste of more than 3,000 men in a year, and which waste might be easily reduced to half that number. —In a former page will be found a letter from a correspondent, who is in favour of this sooty system; his reasons do not convince me; and, I am firmly persuaded, that, if it be persevered in, we shall have no West India colonies in a very short space of time. Observe, that these negro, these slave soldiers, who are to #. British colouies, to wear the Britissouristorm, and to march under the

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British flag, are to cost, in the first instance, 551. a man But, the cost is nothing compared with the disgrace... I have always thought it unwise to have negroes in the ar. my at all, even as musicians, though that is. a situation in which, if in any, they might. be suffered. But, they ought never to march in the same corps; they ought never to wear a rag of the same uniform; never to live in the same barrack or camp with white men. They are lazy, they are insolent, they are beastly ; they are fit for nothing but slavery, and the encouragement they receive in England is a disgrace to the country; a disgrace that no other country upon earth submits to, and which is not submitted to here from any motive worthy of applause. I like the West Indies as colonies, and I like the West Indians as fellow subjects; but, I like England better, and rather than see her further disgraced by a sort of fellowship with Guinea; rather than see myself a fellowsubject of these slave soldiers, much rather would I see the West India islands totally independent of this country. What I “S00,000 “men in arms," and not, 3,000 a year to spare for colonies like those in the West Indies' Who will believe both of these facts *. Napoleon tells his Majesty, that he has already more colonies than he knows how to preserve; and, really, one would think sq. from the adoption of desperate measures like that now said to be in contemplation. . . . . Overt U R Es for Peace.—When the letter from Napoleon was first announced inLondon, it was observed in this work, and, . indeed, by every person of common discernment, that, let the result be what it would, it, would plove to have been a politic step on the part of France; for that, at any rate, Napoleon would acquire the reputation of being a lover of peace. That the so. was intended for publication is very likely; but, we know that it has been published r and, though the ministerial writers affect not to have perceived the circumstance, we know very well what impression the publication has produced in the minds of the people in this country. The French papers, containing the letter, arrived in London on the 14th instant, in the evening papers of which day a translation af it appeared. The very next morning, by eight o'clock, the hawkes were crying it about the streets, printed upon a narrow slip of paper, with the following words. at the head of it : “Good News for Oln “EN GLAND ! Peace with Buo Napa aré “AND cheap ER EAD roR T H E Poor l' This is that same Buonaparté, against whom all the handbills and canibas-like points

were publihed about a year and a hal aga}, This is that very same Buonaparté, whom the courageous “patriotic hand-bill” men represented as being toasted upon a fork by the devil before hell-fire! Where are

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these hand-bill men now One of their fel

low-labourers, the patriotic conductor of the Times newspaper, does, indeed, seem to have taken the alarm at this returning love for Buonaparté. It is a subject of too delicate a nature to be dashed into at once; but the patriotic gentleman very broadly hints, that if the people take this turn all is over with us. That they will take this turn the patriotic Treasury writer may be assured, unless a course of policy very dif: ferent from the present be pursued. Napoleon still sticks to the Treaty of Amiens. He will make us give up Malta. And, all the world knows, that it was for Malta, “ plain Malta after all,” as Mr. Fox said, that our ministers went to war. Peace would suit Napoleon very well. He wants some naval stores, which at present he cannot get. . He wants to re-inforce his colonies; and to open a free communication with them again for a year or two... And, all the while, our expenses must be the same very nearly that they are now. His gun-boats would go on daily increasing, and at a greater rate than at present, because he would then have an abundance of naval stores. Before we had wound up the account of the war, a new war would be necessary; and, besides, under our present system, military, naval, and financial, we can never again disarm, as long as France retains her present power and possessions. Mark, I beg, the qualification | Under our present system, the paper-money part of it in particular, we never can return, for one single year, to a peace establishment. This Napoleon well knows. ... He risks nothing by giving us a short respite under the name of peace; and with the offer of peace, therefore; with pacific and conciliating professions, he will frequently embarrass and distract us. IN v As son.——The shaking fit appears to be coming on again ' My readers will remember, that, at the time when a discussion respecting the failure of Mr. Pitt's military project was first talked of (about a month ago), the Treasury writers asserted, that the failure was of no consequence, seeing that the danger of invasion “, being “ now over," there was no necessity for immediate levies. Upon this occasion the Oracle, which is under the immediate direction of the principal “ young friend.” asked, if “any one could pow seriously enter“tain apprehensions of an invasion ". . .

“The enemy threatened our shores,” said the Morning Post at the Catamaran time, “let them now look to their own. Their “ innumerable flotilla was to land their invincible army in this country, which was to prove a rich and easy conquest. “Where is now this boasted flotilla : “What is the present state of the fortune and destiny of France, which were so “ pompously committed to it It skulks “ in its harbours, and even doubts whether its skulking will insure its safety" In the Oracle of the 19th of January it was asserted, that “universal discontent “ prevailed amongst the troops at Bou“logne; that all idea of their embarking

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“for the purpose of invasion had been

“abandoned; and that the flotilla-men “were ready to turn their arms against “ their commanders." Similar sentiments. have been over and over again expressed

by the ministerial prints during even, the

present month. But now, behold, as soon as the sun begins to melt the icicles, the

-danger is become as imminent as ever.

It is curious indeed to observe how these writers, having received their cue from the clerks of the Treasury, sneak back to the language of alarm. “ Nothing," says the Times of the 21st instant, “can be “farther from our heart, than to wish to “ see any thing like panic or trepidation “ in our countrymen; but a fatal security, “ and a wilful deafness, are still more to ‘ be apprehended. As to the overture, “we are distinctly told by the Moniteus, “ that the same policy preceded the battle “ of Marengo and ihe passage of the “ Drave; and can we refuse to understand what is now to follow it not see plainly, that the epocha is at band: that preparations have been made upon a vast scale, sor which two years are a very short period;—that two consider“ able squadrons, with troops on board to “a largé amount, have put to sea already “ since that overture, of which the desti“ ration is totally unascertained, and the “ subject only of speculation and conjec: “ture ? Do we not know, that the Dutch

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“ fleet is under sailing orders in the Toxel,

“ and that every thing announces the pro“ject of sending out the grand fleet from “ Brest harbour Some persons, we have “ been given to understand, are weak * enough to imagine, that the effect of “ those Continental alliances, of which “ we have only heard by the subsidies,

“will be to occupy and divert the

“ French armament from attempting our “shores; but is it not far more Pro

Do we

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“our country; and we would sooner have

our judgment questioned by those who * may think differently, than omit it.” So, then, the five millions which the parliament has voted for subsidies are calculated only to accelerate an attack upon our shores! The object of publications of this sort is evident enough: they are intended to keep the people stirring; to prevent the zeal of the volunteers from evaporating quite to the dregs; to counteract the effect of Napoleon's letter, of “Good News Fo R OLD EN“ Gla N D," of which mention was made above. The Morning Post, which, only Jen days ago, congratulated its readers on the “near approach of the day, when we should “ be able to say to the tyrant :" (for such it called him) “ burn, burn your flotilla, or “we will hurl you from the throne that

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“ you have usurped " that very Morning

Post is now terror-stricken to a degree that has made it quite religious.----". Yesterday “being the day appointed for the solemn “fast and prayer for the success of His Ma“jesty's arens, was observed with becoming ‘devotion by all descriptions of people. Yet an air of satisfaction was mingled with the solemnity of the occasion, which we did not observe on any other day of general fast and prayer since the countnencement of the war. It was because the blessings

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‘ of his fleets are actually at sea. In calling,

circumstances, we are conscious that we, “are acquitting ourselves of a great duty to

of Heaven and our own exertions have

resolution of atten:hting, without delay, the long menaced invasion ; of attempting it at the same moment from all points, and with all his forces, so that the issue will be im“ mediate and decisive. Our feeling on the day of fast and prayer at the commencement of the war, was a religious and par triotic devotion, aware of the vastness of the power, which threatened to overwhelm us, trusting in the favour of Hea“ ven” [what shocking impiety' what a shameful mockery of the Almighty || “ to “ a righteous cause, and in our own courage and exertions, and resolved to perish with “ arms in our hands rather than surrender in the smallest degree our rights or our “ honour; rather than suffer ourselves in the least instance to be wronged or insulted by an unprincipled and outrageous “ pretender. On the second day of ge

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“neral devotion, last year, we felt gratitude

“ to Heaven for having suffered our strength to mature besore the danger came on ; we “ looked forward to the contest with confidence, and we /rayed earnestly and sincerely for its arrival '!' Since that time, our “enemy appeared to have fortned the resolution of avoiding an experiment, which, however he unay vapour, he knew was “ most hazardous to the duration of his ill“ gotten power. Now we have to raise our hearts to the Almighty, in exulting joy, that it “ has been determined to make the long menaced aircot''" This, however, is really nothiug, until we reflect on who it is that commits this to paper, or causes it so to be com

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ly, “ an a' begins to Aray, it's all over with “ 'un.” But your true thorough-paced Pittite has always at his command a sufficient portion of religious cant. Had Moliere and Foote lived in the days of the Pitt administration, the TART UF FE and Moth ER Cole never would have been exhibited as singularities.—But, as to the subject before us, 1 beg it may be remembered, that the writers of the Treasury express their wishes that an invasion of the country may take place ; that, they “raise their hearts to the Al“ mighty" (impious hypocrites }} “in gra“ titude, that the enemy has do termined to “ invade us !” And, this, observe, at the very moment, while the Church calls upon us to pray to God, that we may not be invaded, and swallowed up quick | The object, however, which I have now in view, is, to impress upon the mind of the reader, the fact, that the Treasury writers do express

their wishes, that the enemy may invade the

country; and, then, I wish to recall to his memory, that Air. Archdale and others,

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