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times in language the most contemptuous and insulting, forty-three times; Mr. Canning, in his several speeches, has repeated it till the ear tires with the sound, and, in the debate of the 18th of June, he specifically states his objection to those members of the late ministry, who were displaced by the change. “I shall content myself," said he, “ with vindicating my own consistency. I “ objected to the administration of foreign affairs, and that has been changed ; I objected to the naval administration, and that has been changed; I objected to the military administration, and that has been changed ; I also objected to the general “ superintendence of the whole, and that “has been changed." That is, he objected to Lord Hawkesbury, Lord St. Vincent, Lord Hobart, and Mr. Addington; the first was removed, turned out, before he would join the ministry. And, will Mr. Addington come to be removed too? This is really a question. And here, as Mr. Canning is so nice upon the head of consistency, I cannot help hoping, that he will condescend to clear up a doubt, which this same speech of his, viewed in conjunction with another of his speeches, has excited in my mind. After having stated the grounds upon which he justified his consistency in coming into the new ministry, having in it six of the former “in“capable and imbecile" cabinet, he said, “I candidly confess that no man was more “disappointed than myself” [in finding that an administration upon narrow principles was formed]. ** wise. 4

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I have myself no object of personal ambition ; but, when my right “ honourable friend thought he could gain “ assistance from me, I did not feel myself “ inclined to relinquish the part I was called “ upon to act, because it was an arduous one.” Mr. Canning is now going to see an instance of the danger there is for an orator to dabble in intrigue. On the third of June, 1803, he supported and voted for Mr. Patten's motion of censure, though Mr. Pitt spoke and voted against it. Upon that occasion, he said: “For the first time in my life, I am, “by an over-ruling sense of duty, to vote dif. “ferently from my right honourable friend."

Now, I would beg leave to ask him, in what

respect the tie of duty was stronger in this instance, than in the instance before mentioned. Why did he not follow his right honourable friend in his motion for the previous question as well as in his formation of a ministry, when the latter was as much against his wish, or, at least, against his professions, as the former could be? Did his

“I wish it had been other

right honourable friend loosen the tie, in the case of the vote of censure; and were, then, the suspicious and charges of the Addingtons well-founded after all Or, did the tie of itsclf become more binding, when strengthened with a salary of four thousand pounas a year, though enjoyed under a cabinet of ten persons, upon the heads of six of whom he liad voted for a resolution of censure? This is a dilemma from which it will not be easy for Mr. Canning to extricate himself. The truth is, I believe (and other persons believe it too), that, this gentleman had, when he made the speech last quoted front, profited from a worthy colleague of his, and was, in case of accidents, endeavouring to provide himself with “two strings to his ‘‘ bow.” But, I strongly suspect, that, when

his present bow fails him, he may, for a conand the other three were

siderable time, at least, give over the chase of ambition; for, there is no man in the opposition of common sense that can believe, that, looking back to the vote of censure in June, 1803, Mr. Canning could have been induced to enter against his inclination into the present ministry. No: he has freely embarked in it, and he must s; tık or swini with the pilot whose praises is the burthen of his song. Whether Mr. Addington will quietly suffer him to remain is another question: it is thought by some that he will not. But this is a matter of very trifling importance: there is no reason why they should not agree full as well as Lord Hawkesbury and Mr. Canning now do. Nevertheless, the charge of “ incapacity and imbecili,” so liberally bestowed upon Mr. Addington and his colleagues by Mr. Pitt, must, somehow or other, be smoothed over, or it is, one would think, quite impossible that any real co-operation should take place. There are three suppositions respecting the course which Mr. Addington will take: the first i,s that he will take neither coice nor peerage, but will give his support in the character of a volunteer, and with all the advantages arising from apparent disinterestedness: the second is, that he will accept, as a reward for his services as speaker, a coronet, a blueribbon, and a thumping pension, and will quietly give up all pictensions to office and power: the third is, that he will insist upon a seat in the cabinet, upon an office of great importance in the state, and upon the restoration to place of the greater part of those persons who were turned out of the ministry along with him. This last supposition is by, far the most probable; for, it is impossible to believe that he would come and give his support to the minister merely because he was reconciled to him ; and though he should be willing to wear the motto of “ incapacity and imbecility" in his armorial bearings, provided a good round sum of money came with the title, yet, it can scarcely be imagined that his friends, that those who were turned out with him, branded by Mr. Pitt with the marks of " * incapacity and imbecility;" it can scarcely be imagined, that Mr. Yorke, Mr. Bragge, the right honourable Hiley, Mr. Bond, Mr. Vansittart, and the rest of the thirteen, whom Mr. Addington can bring with him ; it can scarcely be imagined that they will be satisfied, that they will regard their reputation as restored, merely by the circumstance of their leader having been loaded with titles and with public money. As to peering and pensioning the whole of them, that is out of the question. They must and will, therefore, come again into office, or they must and will oppose the minister; and they will, on every account, be justified in opposing him the more steadily and strenuously in consequence of the defection of their chief: nay, their reputation will demand such a line of conduct on their part ; and, then, Mr. Pitt's object, his great, and, indeed, his sole, purpose in the reconciliation, is entirely defeated. Precisely what share of the power and emoluments of the state they may think proper to demand, it is impossible for any one unconnected with them to say ; but, one may venture to predict, that they will be satisfied with any thing short of their former possessions; and, indeed, it is probable, they will insist upon something beyond them. There stand Mr. Canning and Mr. Pitt, who turned them out upon the charge of “ inca“Aacity and imbecility,” and this charge they must do away by obtaining a re-instatement at least, or they must know, that, by giving their support to Messrs. Canning and Pitt, they tacitly acknowledge the justice of the charge; they render indelible, they deepen down to the very bone, the mark with which they were before merely branded. Their return to place must, therefore, produce considerable inconvenience. There are not many of them having pretensions to very high office; but, their introduction will, nevertheless, make a general stir, a squeezing, a jostling, and a growling. To add many to the pension-list would, just at this time, be rather unseemly. Yet, what is to be done? To make more offices would be difficult. The Family is evidently become too numerous. It is time there were a check to its population | Some persons thiuk, that Ceorge Rose, Mr. Long, Mr. Canning and others, who have been regarded as more particularly hostile to Mr. Addington, will re

sign. . As well might you ask puss to part with her whiskers and her claws | Still, after all, somebody must resign, and hence will cer. tainly arise fresh heart burnings and disputes and revilings in The Family. Their rage will not, perhaps, again extend so far as to the writing and publishing of pamphlets: they have paid too dearly for that: but, that their quarrel will be lancorous there can be no doubt; and, though it may not produce an adverse votes, it will, upon trying occasions, be very likely to take three or four, at least, from the ranks of the minister. But, the most important consideration of all is, the strong proof, afforded by the circumstances of this reconciliation, of the roid decline of Mr. Pitt's /lower. Without inquiring into any circumstances, the fact of his having so soon come to a reconciliation with Mr. Addington, with the man, to whom he was speaking, no longer ago than the 18th of June last, in the words chosen for my motto, and on whom he, before as well as since that time, bestowed almost every appellation which our language affords, expressive of distrust and contempt; the simple fact of his having so soon come to a reconciliation with this man is quite a sufficient sign of his distress, especially when we consider, that the whole number of votes attached to Mr. Addington does not surpass thirteen. The circumstances, however, of this reconciliation, leave not a shadow of doubt as to Mr. Pitt's situation. The time was after the failure of his endeavours and expectations with regard to the friends of the Prince; after a high office had been of ered to several persons succes' sively, and by them successively refused; Arevious to the meeting of parliament, which meeting had been most unexpectedly and unaccountably postponed The manner was the most humiliating to Mr. Pitt that could possibly be conceived: it is stated amongol the court news, and in all the newspapers, that the reconciliation took place in conse: quence of a previous arrangement between His Majesty and Mr. Pitt, and that the recou, ciled parties shook hands in the presence o the former; and, I venture to state as a fact, that, the friendly communication began by * letter from Mr. Pitt to Mr. Addington, and that, too, on the very next after t Aarties were not then yeaking terms 1 W hon to these circumstances is added that of His Majesty's recent visit to Mr. Addington, is it not impossible to believe, that the latter will consent to be shoved aside by Mr. Pitt with a peerage and a pension That ho

together with all those who were turned out with him, intend quietly to vote for Mr. - of ** in

Pitt with that gentleman's charge

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enfeeble him, to degrade him, to take from him all support but their own, thus to render him their dependent, and to make use of him merely as a maker of speeches and as a defender of their administration. This is, however, imputing too much seresight to the parties ; though it must be confessed, that, if such was their intention, they have most completely succeeded. But, it must be presumed, I think, that it was not; and, that Mr. Addington and his adherents, have a very good ground of quarrel with those who staid behind them in place. That the benevolent principles of the reconciliation will embrace this case also there can be no doubt; but, it is hard to believe, that the Addingtons will suffer those who deserted them to continue to derive any advantage from their desertion. The sharing of power and emoluments is, however, not the thing that will produce the striking effect upon the minds of the people and of foreign nations, with regard to the situation of Mr. Pitt ; it is the share which Mr. Addington will have, and which he must let the world how he has, in the management of the affairs of the country: in the proposing, the discussing, and the determining upon the great measures of state. He has been, and by Mr. Pitt, too, charged with, and turned out for, “ incohacity and imbecility;" and he must drag on a degraded life under that charge, unless he takes his full share in governing the country. Indeed, there is no appearance of any backwardness, on his part, in this respect. The Times, a paper entirely devoted to him, has, on the 4th instant, in an article bearing all the marks of authority, given a pretty broad hint of Mr. Addington's intention, and that his intention is not to act an underling part, will be easily perceived. “If there are any “subjects in discussion, after the recon. “ ciliation that has taken place under the “highest auspices, it is not very reason“able for any one acquainted even with the “names of the right honourable gentlemen “alluded to, to infer that those subjects

“fices, upon the questions of who shall “ have the precedence in the cabinet, or the “ casting vote in it. Are there no subjects of national importance, upon which it is possible for these ministers to be deliberating 2 Is it improbable to suppose “ that motual concessions, and reciprocal approximations, may be taking place upon such points as the Catholic Question, the Spanish War, the fusion of the Militia into the Regular Army, or any other inea“ sures of equal dignity and importance 2" What ' Mr. Addington That Mr. Addington, whom Mr. Pitt turned out, only six months ago, as “ incapable" of public affairs 1 That Mr. Addington, to whom Mr. Canning objected That very Mr. Addington now “deliberating" with Mr. Pitt upon the principal measures to be pursued, or laid aside It is good to hear that Mr. Pitt is at last brought to “ deliberate" with some one; and, it is pretty well known, that, towards others as well as Mr. Addington, he has, since his return to power, become more condescending than formerly; that he patiently hears those now, whom formerly he would not see, and that he talks long in cases where it used to be impossible to extract more than a single monosyllable from him. It was regarded as a good sign, that the Lacedermonians had been brought to quit their laconisms, and to talk like other people. What! “mutual concessions “ and reciprocal approximations" between Mr. Addington and Mr. Pitt . A “ques“tion who shall have the casting vote in “ the cabinet I” There is, then, it seems, to be some “ counting of noses" at last ! The measures here mentioned are, indeed, of importance. The Catholic question might, perhaps, be easily gotten over ; but, not so the Shanish IWar, and the Military Project Bill. With regard to the former, the conduct of the two Premiers is completely at variance; and, indeed, the measures of Mr. Pitt, as to Spain, were preceded by a demiofficial condemnation of the measures of Mr. Addington relative to that power. There are some persons who suspect, that the ‘recent conduct of Mr. Pitt; that his orders and counter orders; his embargoes and counter embargoes; his hesitation, his evident doubts and apprehensions, are to be ascribed to the parliamentary danger which he perceives must arise from the pushing of things so far as to bring the House to decide between his conduct and that of Mr. Addington to : wards Spain! As to the Military Project, that is the very subject upon the discussion of which Mr. Addington was turned out. Mr. Addington has his project

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“ turn upon the rank or emolument of of R too; but, it was thrown aside, and its author Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Ewso Gaiden where former Numbers may be htd; sold also by J. Eudd, Crown and Mitre, Pal-Mali.

turred out, in order to make room for ano, ther project and another minister. And, is it possible that the success of this other projett should not become a matter of inquiry And, if it does become a matter of inquiry, can Mr. Addington and his adherents hold their tongues 2 Or, will they speak and vote, either directly or indirectly, in favour of that which they before condemned, and that too after it has notoriously failed of success, to an extent far beyond their predictions : Good reason have they to “deliberate;" for cer. tainly they have a path to tead more thorny than ever was before trodden, that Mr. Addington does not join the present administration; he comes in to take possession of it, and to preserve it as long as possible. That Mr. Pitt has none of the peo..ple with him, the Jews and Jobbers exceptred, has long been notorious; and now it is not less notorious, that he has not the King with him. If there could have been any -doubt remaining upon this subject the late , visit of His Majesty to Richmond Park, just :as the news of the reconciliation reached the ears of the public, must have entirely renoved it. The courtiers are all with Mr. Addington, the country all with the opposition, and Mr. Pitt will now become merely the debater of the administration, over which Mr Addington will, in reality, have the almost absolute control. This is the light in which the matter is universally regarded. he friends of Mr Addington do, of course, greatly exult. Their sentiments they seem by no means, solicitous to disguise. They very frankly declare, that Mr. Addington is again “ the Kiug's Minister;" and they insist, with perfect truth, that “ the measures “ of Mr. Pitt fully justify His Majesty's pre“ference of his former Prime Minister." This has been boldly stated in the demi offical paper above-quoted; and, the writer adds, that, “ though Mr. Pitt is unquestion“ably endowed with unrivalled talents as “an orator, and possesses great/ractica knowledge in all matters of finance; yet, that no candid man will contend, that, as a statesman, versed in all those means by which “ the affections of a nation are couciliated, “ and its permanent interests are promoted, “ he falls very far shot of the more mild, “ more conciliating, but not less firm and “ energetic Mr. Addington " We may laugh at this; but it is no laughing matter for Mr. Pitt. It is, indeed, expressive of intolerable vanity; but, are not the circumstances enough to render any men vain? It is whimsical to observe, that, while Mr. Pitt's friends out of coice apologize for him by

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The fact is,

of us to

saying, that “he could not he/ is, the King “ would have it so ;’ his friends in office are using every possible exertion to persuade the world, that “the King never at all interfered." The cause of this difference in statement needs little explanation : his friends out of otfice are anxious for his routation ; whereas those in office care about nothing but his Aower, and they well know, that, if the world is once thoroughly convinced, that the court has cast him off, his power is at an end. Thus situated, compelled to submit to the equality, at least, of Mr. Addington, aud being constantly exposed to the danger of being turned out, if he attempt to resume his former tone and attitude, some persons seem to think, that, ere long, Mr. Pitt will be seen, in a moment of mortification, throwing down his Treasurers staff, and leaving his more fortunate rival to the mercy of the opposition. I am of a different opinion. Mr. Canning is suffi. ciently ambitious; but \r. Canning could, it is said, apologize to Lord Hawkesbury for words uttered in parliament relative to his lordship. Mr. Pitt's anbition appears to be of nearly the same sort; that soft, which Swift is describing, when he beg 1emember, that “ climbing is “ performed in the attitude of crawling."

The truth is, that Mr. Pitt is not in 3

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of his intending again to resign, would in

stantly produce a desertion so general as 10 roduce his numbers to the strength of a coporal's guard; for, all men of common dio cernment must perceive, that he was bidding adieu to the cabinet for ever. This is " truth, too, of which he himself appears" thoroughly sensible ; and, therefore, ho ever severe his mortification, however go ring the slights and gross the insults that he has to endure, endure them he will, till the hour arrives, when he and his system * destined to fall, never more to rise ; and, that that hour may be at no great distano, must be the wish of every reflecting and well-informed man, who is, at the same ti", a sincere friend to the King, the Aristocro the Church, and the People, and wh9." course, wishes to see England once more to her head amongst the nations of the earth; once more to resume the honours which of Pitt administration has erased from her shield, once more hoist the flag which that ad” stration has made hide beneath the wa".

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vol. vii. No.2 LoNDoN, saturday, JANUARY 12, 1805. (Price top.

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“ It is also to be observed, that, though there be a just cause of war; yet may this just cause be spoiled “ by the access of some vice that cleaves to the action from the mind of the agent, either that somethin; “ else, not by itself unlawful, doth more efficaciously move us to the war, than the right itself; as when “some kind of profit. public or private, is expected to arose from the war, being considered apart from the “cause whereon the war is justified; which vice is very dangerous " -Gaol i us.

33) [34 CATHOLIC CLAIMS. out a shadow of reason, is at best a wanton LEtre R II. and injudicious suspension of the great

Appressen to the Rt. Hos. w. Pitt. charter of our liberties. It is there proSik,--In the letter, which I lately ad- vided, (chap. 29) that “No freeman shall dressed to you, I endeavoured to impress on “ be disseised of his freehold, or liberties, your mind the necessity of sulfilling your “ or free customs.” By liberties, Lord engagements to the Catholics, stom the im- Coke understands, 1st. The laws of the portant considerations of honour, Fo: realin; 2dly, The freedom which the suband good saith. The pains which I have jects of the realm possess; 3dly, The frantaken, to enforce the immediate execution chises and privileges which the subjects reof a measure, involving in its happy conse- ceive from the favour of the crown. (See quences the existence of the empire, have | Lord Coke's observations on Magna Charta, not, I trust, been bestowed without effect. 2 Institut.) On what ground can you conBut appearances are unfortunately such, as tinue to sanction any longer, by your authonot to afford a very substantial hope, that rity, the least painful restrictions against the dearest interests of the country will su- Catholics, while you thus set at defiance the isede all mean and selfish considerations. fundamental law of the realm, that great to: however, by events that may foundation of all our liberties, and the conlead to a happy termination, and animated stant pride and boast of Englishmen Rewith the pur&st motives of advancisg the flect, Sir, against whom these odious rewelfare of my county, I will freely use the strictions continue to be directed. They undeniable privilege of every Briton, to operate, as I shall shew you in the course canvass the actions of his Majesty's citil ser- of my letter, solely against the Roman Cavants, and will review some of those tholics, the professors of that religion, which grounds, on which, I colic ive, your (pi- introduced christianity and consequent cition concerning Catholic claims was once vilization, with all its attendant blessings, decisively formed.——There was a time, into this island; and which gave birth to a 1 Sir, when you felt the urgent necessity of those benefices, prebends, and ecclesiastical re-toring to every Biton the rights and preferments of every kind now existing in provileges secured by the constitution; when this country. These disabilities are peryou even sacrificed, in this noble cause, the petuated solely against the Catholic descendfirst offices of the state to a strong sense of ants of those generous and high spirited basubstantil justice, and to high and refined rons, by whose noble exertions the Great notions of honour. What gave birth to such | Charter was first secured, the foundation of a display of virtue and patriotism You had Engli h liberty was first laid. It cannot be doubtless obtained a thorough knowledge a secret to you, Sir, who must be presumed of the theory and practice of the British to possess at least an ordinary knowledge constitution. You knew that its beinefits of the history of your country, that the sishould be open to all loyal subjects without | berties, which fill with pride the breast of distinction; and regretting that four mil- an Englishma , which have contributed lions of inhabitants, or one fourth of the more than any other cause to place this Population of the United Kingdom, remain- country in the high and commanding situ.“d in a state of proscriptive exclusion, you tion it holds among the nations of the civilaboured to secure to them the birth right | lized world, that these benefits are to be of Englishmen. What a pity it is, that the ascribed originally to the vigour of Catholic chains of returning power, the sudden | Barons, and Catholic Bishops; to the spiProspect of recovering your elevation, rited conduct of a Langton, the Catholic should have shakened your manly and de Archbishop of Canterbury at that time. “rmined purpose ! The truth is, Sir, “ A man,” says Hume, “whose memory : the continuance of the restrictions and dis. “ ought always to be respected by the Eag. *bilitics against the Roman Catholics, with- “ lif.” (History of England, Vol. II. p.

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