dreadful, such detestable means, of collecting men together "for the defence and se"curity of the realm?" Can a realm be defended; is it possible for it to be defended, by such means?--In returning to the legislative history of the military force, we find the act of the 27th of July, 1803, commonly called the Defence Act, coming just three weeks after that of the army of reserve. We have often enough, of late years, seen acts that were never obeyed; acts which produced only part of their professed effect, and, in some cases, no effect at all; but the act, we are now speaking of, appears to have been intended not to produce its professed effect; but, to operate as a sort of bugbear to drive men into volunteer a sociations; for, the moment what was thought a sufficient number of those associations were formed, the defence act was suspended, by another act, passed o the 11th of August, 1803, a fortnight after the passing of the act thus suspended. To this latter act, which was intended to exempt persons serving in volunteer corps from being called out to the compulsory. training provided for in the Defence Act, such an interpretation was given as, by the connivance of the government, made it operate as an exemption also from the ballot for the militia and army of reserve; in consequence of which poor men unable to join volunteer corps were grievously oppressed, and the militia and army of reserve were prevented from being completed according to law; accordingly we find, that, when Mr. Pitt brought forward his project, there was, in those two services, a deficiency of 16,000 men in Gt. Britain, agreeably to that gentleman's statement. With respect to the act suspending the Defence Act, there was, however, some doubt as to the exemptions; and, therefore, an act was passed, as soon as possible after the parliament met in the autumn of 1803, clearly and fully providing for those exemptions. This act, commonly called the Volunteer Exemption Act, was passed on the 20th of December, 1803,Thus did the ministers not only take care continually to keep up a competition of bounties, operating directly against the regular recruiting service, but they seemed to be not less anxious to create a competition to operate against every other species of force, the operation always being powerful in proportion to the efficiency and value of the force against which it was directed; the volunteers robbing the militia; the mihtia, the army of reserve; and all of them the regul natos Of the volunteer, considaro act and several others, it would Le mike plicular menti

especially as the effect of all of them was the same, namely, to render difficult and almost impossible any further recruiting for the regular army. We are now approaching towards the close of the "incapable" administration, the members of which began to be openly opposed by those of the "efficient" cabinet, in the month of March, 1804. In April the divisions, in spite of the pious supplications to the contrary, began to take place. At this time the "incapa"ble" cabinet, who, in order to prevent the longer continuation of the competition against the regular army, had introduced a bill for the suspension of the army of reserve act, introduced also, at the very same time, a bil for augmenting the Irish militia! This latter bill passed into a law on the 3d of May, 1804, and has generally been called the Irish Militia Augmentation Act. The number of men to be added was 10,000, making the whole of the Irish militia amount to 28,000 men. Our establishment for the militia of both kingdoms was already 90,000 men, as we have above seen; and this made up the 100,000 all but two thousand! And, let it just be remembered here, in passing, that Mr. Pitt had, on the 6th of June, 1803, given it as his opinion, that 100,000 militia even for Great Britain alone, could be supported, without any material injury to the regular recruiting!-But, more of this hereafter.--The army of reserve suspension bill was now brought forward; and, it will long be remembered with gra titude by the country, as being the rock, on which the "incapable" cabinet was dashed to pieces. Mr. Pitt wished this bill to be laid aside to make way for the introduction of that famous project, of which we have since seen and heard so much. By this time the eyes of every man in the country appeared to be opened, with respect to the inefficient state of our military force. All were agreed, that we wanted regular soldiers; but the "incapable" cabinet contended, that the way to obtain them was not to reduce the number of our militia, but, letting these remain as they were, recourse ought to be had to the means of raising men for rank; and, in order to facilitate that, to put a stop to the operation of the army of reserve act. The "incapable" cabinet was turned out the "efficient" one came in, or, rather, was patched up; and, their first measure was the act generally called the Pa rish Officer Act. This act, which was finally passed on the 29th of June, 1804, begins with declaring, that it is expedient that a permanent additional force should be raised and maintained, under regular officers, for the defence of the realm, and for augment

5

NNY

ing and supplying his Majesty's regular forces. It then states the quotas, which, for this purpose, the several counties are to fur. nish, amounting, all together, for England and Wales, to 67,285 men. The total number for Scotland, as provided for by a sepa rate act, is, 9,666 men. For Ireland, as provided for by a third act, 10,000 men ; making in the whole, an additional force establishment of 86,951 men, to be raised by parish officers. The army of reserve was, by this project, melted down into, and immediately, became a part of, the Parish Army; so that there was a stock to begin with, amounting to 25,718 men, because, from the 37.725 there had been an enlistment into the regular army amounting to 12,007 men. There then remained, to be raised by the parish officers, 61,233, for the United Kingdom, in order to complete the Parish Army up to its intended establishment. But, in the first instance, and by way of specimen of the effect of the project, Mr. Pitt contented himself with calling for no more men than were wanted to complete the supplementary militia and army of reserve, amounting to about 16,000 men for G. B. and 3,000 for I. Those due to the army of reserve became part of the Parish Army of course, and those due to the militia were now to belong to the same army, the militia being, by this project, to be suffered to waste down to its old establishment, namely, 40,000 men for England, 8,000 for Scotland, and 18,000 for Ireland. Out of this Parish Army, the regulars were to be recruited, to the amount of 9,000 men in a year, but not more; and the vacancies occasioned by this recruiting were to be filled up by future annual applications to the Parish Officers.--Now, then, let us inquire what has been the effect of this grand project of the "efficient" cabinet, with Mr. Pitt at the head of it. Receiving depots were immediately established; and, it will be found, perhaps, that military commissioned officers and non-commissioned officers, either newly appointed, or detached from the line, were provided for the reception of the parish levies. We have all heard, and every one who has been in the country has seen, that there has been a quite sufficient stir amongst the Lords Lieutenant, their deputies, the justices of the peace, the constables, and the church-wardens and overseers. Probably about fifty thousand persons, comprehended under these heads, have been kept in motion by the project, during no inconsiderable part of the last six months. And how many men have they produced towards completing the Parish army? Has every officer produced his man? No: even the Treasury Prints do not pretend, that

50,000 men have been raised. Have 5,000 been raised? Have 500 been raised? Not in England, I verily believe. In Surrey, it is said that 20 have not been raised; and, in Hampshire, I am pretty sure, that the parish officers have not raised one. I made inquiries in several parishes in Hampshire, and I could hear of no parish-officer who had attempted to raise men under the act now in question. Supposing, however, that by the aid of crimps and thief-takers, a miserable account of even five or six thousand men should be made up, who is there that must not despise the man that should pretend to hope for any success from this project? The 16,000 men, abovementioned, were to be raised by the parish-officers immediately. It was expected and held forth, that this number (the number due by the counties to the militia and army of reserve) would be raised by the time that the first Quarter Sessions should be holden, subsequent to the issuing of the orders to the parish officers. The second Quarter Sessions have now been holden, and, if all parties have done their duty, in obedience to the law, the sum of about 300,0001. must be, at this moment, either levied, or in a course of being levied, upon several counties and parishes, under the name of fines! In Surrey, the Inspector made his report to the magistrates, at their last Quarter Sessions, from which report, it probably appeared, that the county had to pay fines to the amount of fourteen or fifteen thousand pounds. The magistrates did not, however, proceed to levy the money; but, adopted the less decisive course of appointing a committee of themselves, to take the matter into consideration! This example will, doubt less, be followed in every county in the kingdom; for, it is not to be expected, that the magistrates of every county in the kingdom will hastily come to a resolution to declare their several counties and themselves

the

delinquents. They say, and they truly say, that it is impossible to perform the task imposed on them by the legislature; that they have used their utmost exertions; that they, as well as the parish officers, have had incredible trouble and vexation; that there is not the least hope of their ever being able to accomplish the object contemplated by the act of parliament; and, that, for these reasons, the money to be raised upon the counties, as a fine for delinquency, cannot be considered in any other light, than that of a partial, vexatious and odious tax; to which they might truly add, that this punishing of all the pa rishes in the kingdom, because they have failed in their endeavours to obtain recruits for military service, must have, a tendency to render that service still more and more odious

in the eyes of the people. Are the fines not to be levied? Are the provisions of the act not to be enforced? Is another dead letter law thus to be added to the statutes? Where, then, is the vigour, where the efficiency, of the measure? Mr Canning thought it quite inconsistent, to argue against the project, as inefficient, at the same time that it was contended, that it would be vexatious, oppressive, and odious: just as if, every measure having these latter qualities must, of course, be etficient! To this Mr. Fox made an answer worthy now of being recalled to the memory of the public. For my own

part," said he, "I wish to give this mea" sure an opportunity of being fully and "fairly discussed; and, now that discussion "has taken place, I am convinced, that it is "one of the most oppressive, as well as one "of the most inefficient measures, for the "purposes it is intended to effect. Indeed, "to speak of the absurdities of the bill in

detail would be ridiculous. I just now "said, that the bill would be found both "inefficient and oppressive. But, then "comes the right honourable gentleman "with his famous dilemma." "How," says he, "do you make that out? How can "the bill be oppressive and inefficient too?" "I say, Sir, the bill will occasion very con"siderable oppression, without producing

"circumstances, it cannot be executed with that general good-will and general consent, by which only its operations can be "rendered beneficial to the country." And, let any Treasury wiiter deny, if he can, that these opinions have now been fally verified. There are no men raised, worth speaking of; at least, in England, whence the far greater part were expected to come, and must of necessity come, if they come at all; and, who is there that will deny, that the whole kingdom has. by this project, been harassed, vexed, and oppressed--The writers in pay of the ministry, informed, it is to be supposed, of the failure of the project, have been, for some time past, endeavouring to prepare the mind of their rea ders for the come-off, which the minister intends, perhaps, to have recourse to; namely, that the principal object of the additional force bill was not to raise men! What, then, was its object? To raise money ? may have been its real object; but, that it was not the professed object, who, even amongst the ministerial partisans, will be foun impudent enough to deny in the face of the recorded parliamentary speeches upon the subject? Mr. Sheridan, in the debate of the 18th of June last, said: "We cer

That

tainly did look, with no small expectation "and anxiety to see what armed Minerva was to spring from the head of this poli

64

decent expression from a minister to a "House of Commons I never heard! Is 46 not this bill, Sir, a bill of considerable "detail, requiring the general consent and "approbation of all ranks of the commu"nity? Is it possible, I ask, that this "House can so far lose sight of its duty as

as to send a bill of such unexampled se"verity and oppression to be executed all "over the country, contrary to the opinion * of nearly one half of its members? Can "such a bill be well executed by a country

that disapproves of it? It must be allow d, that the bill, with all the influence "of the government, will be carried by only a very trifling majority; and, under such

66

tical Jupiter; and, not a little surprised, "indeed, were we all, at the sight of this "little pony ricketty bantling, who, after "being sent to the parish nurse, will never "have gristle nor bone enough to attain "the age of manhood. Who is the man, "Sir, that has disappointed the house and "the country; but he who has been so "vaunting and gigantic in his promises, "and so puny and miserable in perform"ance? The real object of this bill is tax"ation. It is a farce to call it a bill to raise men. It is a bill to tax all the landed pro"perty of the country. It is a tax operating "in the most unfair and ignoble manner. "It goes to enforce confiscation where there "is no forfeiture; to inflict fines where "there are no offences; punishments where "no crimes are committed."* This opinion as to the inefficiency of the project, with, respect to raising men, was, over and over again stated by thy opposition, and as often rejected by the then prime minister and his partisans. The present bill, said Mr. Pitt, " is likely to be successful, and attract mento "enter the regular service. Without, how66 ever, attending, in the first istance, to "its effect in recruiting the regular army,

* Parl. Debates, Vol. II. p. 735.

consequence, namely, that of setting "free a portion of the regulars, (now "locked up in the defensive service) near"ly corresponding to the numbers rais"ed." And this setting free the regu lars was to be accomplished by the raising of men under the bill. "The plan," said he, "promises to raise men more expeditiously

Let

than any other mode we are acquainted "with." That these opinions were faithfully echoed by the whole of the Treasury Bench it is hardly necessary to state. us next see, then, what were the expectations which the ministerial partisans out of doors, endeavoured to excite in the mind of the public. The plan was called by the Oracle (a print exclusively devoted, if not managed, by a close young friend"), a plan "connecting the best security against our present difficulties with the easiest " and most effectual provision for creating a permanent force."-" A measure for "creating a never-failing source of supply "for the regular army."" This bill unites "mildness with efficiency: it gives full scope "to the display of voluntary spirit, and

"

substitutes the exertions of local knowledge, "and local influence, for the detestable "practice of crimping: it does not leave "the rich or the poor to the blind and op"pressive chance of a ballot: it does not "impose on the one a heavy tax for a bad "purpose, the offer of high bounties for "substitutes, so hurtful to the regular

recruiting; nor does it force away the "other from the industrious maintenance of " a family into the service of the state; it "remits all the former grievous penalties, " and levies no fine on any parish but for "blameable tardiness or inattention: in short, "it shews that the resources of a free go"vernment are superior to the harsh man"dates of despotism, and that individual "liberty may be admirably connected with "the surest means of increasing and perpe"tuating the public strength. Is there any "one of those points which can admit of "fair and candid controversy? Is there any truly independent member of parliament, "any real friend of his country, who can

hesitate a moment on which side of the "que-tion he ought to vote? When the "motives of the present opposition have scarcely a large cobweb to cover them, "is there any man, we will not merely say "so void of honour, but of common poli 66 cy, and common sense, as to risk his pre" sent character, and future fame, in a

* Parl. Debates, Vol II. p. 741.- Ibid, F. 742.

"desperate scramble for places, far, very "far indeed, beyond the grasp of a self"deluded party?"--This is pretty well; but we must hear them, in their triumph, after the last division that took place in the House of Commons relative to this bill. "Though the faint echoes of an applauding

senate, we cannot restrain our eagerness "in giving the nation joy on the decisive "triumph, obtained over the efforts of a "desperate faction, over all the strength and "stratagem of an unprincipled confederacy. "The best means of providing for the present "defence and future security of the coun"try were opposed, with a view to the "overthrow of administration, and to the "immediate seizure of power. We leave "Mr. Fox to ring the changes on his absurdity, and shall only notice a reply made "to one of his futile assertions, that it was money, not men, that the minister wanted. Every body must be struck with the just"ness of Mr. Osborn's observation, that "the bill must have been framed with "an opposite intent, as not one shilling "could be procured by it, but in the " event of not raising the men. The "learned Serjeant Best did not escape the "keenness of Mr. Canning's remark on his "black-letter authorities, and his bring"ing forward a circulating library of law in

support of his opinion. Mr. Canning was "not less pointed in his strictures on the "inconsistencies of other opponents of the "bill, who differed more amongst them"selves than with its supporters. Some "wished to have a clear stage to erect a new "system; others were averse to any increase "of the regular forces; and, among a third

party, poor deceased ballot bad found pa"negyrists. Such men, though they might "take the same side on a division of the "house, must quarrel in the lobby. Brother

Bragge and the D ctor were called up by "one of Mr. Canning's side glances at their "endeavours to atone for the inefficiency of "their administration by the vigour of their " opposition. But we do not mean to turn "their speeches into ridicule: we are rather "disposed to leave the poor things in their "natural state of obscurity and insignifi -We may be allowed to stop

es cance.

* See SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS, for 1804; pp. 503, 504, 507, 530, 531, 532; And, indeed, the whole series of articles, upon this subject, comprised between p 409 and 538. By a perusal of these pages the reader will clearly perceive what were the expectations which the partiasns of Mr. Pitt taught the public to entertain from this project.

here, for a moment, and ask the " young friend," who wrote this article in the ORACLE, whether he now thinks, that "brother Bragge and the Doctor" are such very "poor things." Does he think that Mr. Canning will venture to cast any more "side glances" at the "inefficiency" of the "Doctor's" administration? He may, how ever, safely "leave the poor things in their "state of obscurity and insignificance;" for, long before now, he has heard, seen, and felt, that they know pretty well how to take care of themselves. Upon referring

to what was said in parliament, as well as to what was published in the ministerial prints, there can, then, remain no doubt in the mind of any man, that the main object (at least the main object professed) of Mr. Pitts project was to raise men by the means of parish officers; and to raise 16,000 of them, in Great-Britain alone, immediately. In deed, if the Parish Army was ever to receive the D1,233 men required to complete it to its intended establishment (allowing an annual recruiting therefrom to the amount of 9.000 for Great-Britain with a due proportion for Ireland) must it not necessarily have been expected, that the first half year would have produced from 16,000 to 20,000 men? If this was not the case, when was the Parish Army ever to be completed? And, what was the use of appointing five or six thousand commissioned and non-commissioned officers to that Army? Yet, after all this, when we see that all England has not produced, perhaps, a thousand recruits, in virtue of this bill, are we to be told, that the project has not failed? Are we to be told, that our military force is in a prosperous way; that it has increased faster during the last six months than it increased theretofore; and that the parliament ought to rest satisfied without any investigation of the subject? Since May last, that is to say, since the formation of the "efficient" cabinet, there may have been about three or four thousand men transferred, by inlistment, from the Army of Reserve to the regular army. The sharp winter and the high price of bread may have driven two or three thousand poor wretches into the hands of the parish officers. The regular army may have recruited a thousand or two of good, stout, hearty men, really disposed to become soldiers. But, all this will be found to fall short of the numbers raised, during the preceding six months, by the "incapable" cabinet; and, assuredly, it falls far short of what is required to make good the consumption of the regular army during the sane period; and this, too, at a time when

our affairs so loudly call for an increase, a very considerable increase, of our dispo sable force. But, it is said, that ministers. mean to bring forward, amongst their in crease, the men inlisted into the German Legion, and the Dutch Troops, in Demerara and Essequibo! Nay; this is no jest. Nor must we be at all surprized if we see these troops set in the front of the array; though we shall certainly have a right to remind Lord Sidmouth of the 8,000 excellent foreign troops he disbanded at the peace, for believing in the duration of which men were called "nature's fools;" and to remind Mr. Pitt, that he never said a word in disapprobation of the disbanding. of those troops. After all, however, what is the amount of our regular force? of our force capable of being employed on foreign service? of our force under regular officers, and under such discipline as inspires confidence? Perhaps it may amount to 50,000 effective Infantry, exclusive of Guards and Artillery, in the whole of the united kingdom. The whole of the Infantry, including Guards, may amount to 70,000 men, perhaps. And, let it never be forgotten, that it is Infantry, of which a warlike army must ever be principally composed. Cavalry and Artillery are equally to be cherished; but, they are useful only when in due proportion to the Infantry, either of an army in the field, or when viewed as part of the military force of a country. With a force, then, of only 70,000, or thereabouts, of regular Infantry in the whole kingdom, we are talking of a grand coalition on the continent of Europe; of conquests beyond the Western main; and we are actually fitting out expeditions! But, we have, in the united kingdom, about eighty thousand militia, and, at home in their feather-beds, 480,000 volunteers! Not half so many, perhaps, of this latter description; and, if we are to judge of what they will do by what they have done at Mount's Bay, Chester, and Knaresborough, a diminution in their numbers will be regarded as having lessened our dangers. In short, it is evident, that we still want an army, a real army, a regular disciplined army of Infantry, the most manageable, the cheapest, and the most efficient of all sorts of force; such an army we want, amounting to 150,000 men, in the united kingdom at this moment, allowing 30,000 or 40,000 more for stations abroad; and, this army we never shall have, nor any thing approaching to it, while the present system is persevered in. It is a thing not to be obtained by means such as we have been, and yet are, making use of. The