and that really he could not remain connect- other than they otherwise would have done, ed with it; but he might have added, "God because they felt that they owed this act forbid that I should disturb your quietness of courtesy to those who came pressing or repose, gentlemen Romanists! let us live after them. If it had been the drawing-room good neighbors, I will not interfere with you, of a young and tasteful queen, or the levee and you must not say any thing respecting of a popular and distinguished cabinet minme; I my way, and you yours; each march- ister, no anxiety to be admitted, to speak, ing to heaven by different courses." Now to exchange looks, could have been more this, I need not say, was just the opposite closely and strongly marked than on these course to that pursued by the great Reform- occasions. Madame Guizot, and one or two er in question, but it is precisely the system female friends, often the late Duchess de of M. Guizot. When, then, the priests and Broglie, the Lady Peel of France, presided Jesuits, in the reigns of Louis XVIII. and at a tea-table where the simplest fare was Charles X., affected great apprehension as distributed by pretty taper fingers, which to the religious character of the instruction even vied with bright eyes and enchanting of M. Guizot, they proved that they were smiles. Yet were those entertainments essentially and wholly ignorant of M. Gui- sumptuous with wit, with poetry, with phizot's Protestantism. Nor were they scarce- losophy, and with the best life of good ly less uninformed as to his political creed. society, and of the élite of Paris. But death If Lord Stanley and Sir James Graham are here, also, has intruded too frequently to dangerous liberals, so was M. Guizot when permit me to think upon those once happy first I saw him,—but not otherwise. If Sir réunions, and the dear little house in the Robert Peel be a liberal not to be trusted by Rue Ville l' Evêque has witnessed tears, and either church or queen, so was M. Guizot sobs, and agonies of grief, which none can when I first saw him, but not otherwise. portray, and which even few can feel. Their notions of civil liberty, and of politi cal institutions, are as similar as possible, equally enlightened and philosophical. But their difference on religious matters is considerable; M. Guizot being an educational it is not true that he had instilled into Protestant of the Unitarian school, and quite of Pasteur Coquerel's opinion, who has adopted that of Pope

During the events of the three days of July 1830, M. Guizot remained a spectator. It is not true that he acted in this respect either against his principles or his teaching,

the minds of the young and ardent a love of revolutionary liberty,-it is not true that he was the first to inculcate principles from "For modes of faith let graceless bigots fight, the application and practice of which he His can't be wrong whose life is in the right." fled. He thought, and he taught, that all It is said, indeed, that M. Guizot's reli- could be done by the Charter, or in accordgious sentiments have undergone some ance with it, and that the Polignac ministry, change since the loss of his beloved, his as well as the ordinances of July, could almost idolized son, and that his previous have been destroyed even without resorting latitudinarian principles have been greatly to a revolution. Indeed, when Count d'Armodified. I was as delighted to hear, as I am to record this rumor, though I am not answerable for its correctness. Still all that can be said, good or kind, of M. Guizot, my mind and my heart are equally desirous to believe.

The private circle of this great man was always one of the most delightful in Paris. It was there that the statesman and the politician were lost in the philosopher and the friend. Small were his apartments-far, far too small to admit the crowds of European, as well as of French, American, and English literati, who sought to claim the honor of his acquaintance, or who, having made, were not willing to lose it. On his reception nights the small street at the back of the Madeleine in which he resided was crowded with carriages, as well as all the contiguous streets, and his visitors moved more quickly from one little room to anVOL. I. No. IV. 4.4

gout offered, in the name of Charles X., the withdrawal of the ordinances, and the appointment of a Casimir Perier cabinet, if M. Guizot, instead of Lafayette, had been charged to come to a decision, some other arrangement would have been effected than that which was made. But Lafayette, "the old woman of the Revolution," said, "It is too late ;" and not long afterwards, M. Guizot was called from his retirement to become a minister of state!

The first time I saw M. Guizot as minister, he appeared rather confounded than delighted with his new and unexpected honors. It was in the Faubourg St. Germain, at his ministerial hotel. He looked to me like one who was completely out of his element. Study, retirement, reflection-these, with private society and domestic enjoy. ment, were the objects of his preference. And yet there he was a minister of state to

a revolution he had not made, and which |ing the mayors and judges, and gets rid of now he strove to restrict and restrain within us as quickly as he can." The secret of certain just and well-proportioned limits. all this embarrassment and apparent conM. Cousin was there with his German cru-tradiction is this, that M. Guizot, as M. dities, and M. Villemain with his sort of Guizot, can do that, which M. Guizot, as Lord Brougham eccentricities, and M. Du-minister of state, cannot do. As a man, he pin with his hard-headedness-not to say is a Protestant; as a minister of state, he hard-heartedness-and all were very busy wears the appearance of impartiality, and in complimenting Monsieur le ministre. protects all." But, in good truth, "monsieur," seemed to say by his looks, "I wish I were back again in the Rue Ville l'Evêque."

commences the attack. The perfect sincerity of M. Guizot is one of his very great attractions. He has no past to recall, no assertions to retract, no old declarations to regret. He can defend, politically, every act of his life, reasoning on the principles which at any rate he believes to be true. And he can say, "That which I was, I am; and that which I am, I shall remain."

M. Guizot at the Tribune is as measured and calm, dignified and philosophical, as Sir Robert Peel, and is really his equal as a deThe next time I saw M. Guizot he was bater. The contrast between Guizot and out of office. He had got back to his phi- Thiers is very striking; yet for years, when losophy and his family, and he was "all anarchy appeared threatening the instituright again." His Protestantism, general, tions of France, they upheld the same cause, vague, and unenergetic as it was, always and fought against the same hydra. The seemed to perplex him, and to stand in the fortunes, not of war, but of court intrigue way of his usefulness as a member of the and political partisanship at last led them government. For the government sought to to opposite camps, and Thiers headed "the stand well with the clergy, and yet how war and the onward faction," but Guizot recould it do this with a Protestant at the mained faithful to the party of resistance. head of the state"? And, strange as it may On several occasions M. Guizot has given appear, it is a fact, that with irreligious at the public Tribune tremendous lessons men and downright unbelievers, the absurd- to Thiers, but the latter has seldom replied ities and superstitions of Popery are bet- with success. Still Thiers is a "hard hitter relished, or, at least, preferred to the ter," and it is not frequently that Guizot simple worship, creeds, sacraments, and discipline of the Protestant Church. Not that the priests are loved, or that confession is admired by the males, and yet they send their wives and daughters to church, and appear to think they have some security for their virtuous conduct if they will but confess every quarter, or at least at Easter. When M. Guizot was not minister, he was always most ready and willing as a private There are some passages in the life of M. individual, as a man of great weight and Guizot which are nevertheless curious and power in the country, or as a deputy, to singular. One of the most extraordinary exert his influence for the Protestant was his union with Thiers and Barrot to cause, or rather for Protestant pastors and overthrow the Molé cabinet, and to diminish evangelists. But when M. Guizot became the personal authority and influence, will minister, he was sadly afraid of being and policy, of Louis Philippe. I know that thought not sufficiently friendly to "the M. Guizot would defend that part of his religion of the majority," that of the Rom- career as in perfect consistency with his ish Church, and did all he could to restrain attachment to parliamentary institutions. I the leaders of the Protestant party from any know he would say that it was because he special efforts to promote the spread of was parliamentary that when he perceived Protestant doctrines and principles. In all a manifest tendency to encroachment by the this, however, he was perfectly consistent, head of the state on the prerogatives of the but the pastors were often disconcerted by Deputies and of the Peers, and that when his coldness, and wished, as much as he he knew Count Molé exercised an influence did, that he had got back again to the "Rue which was Russian in its alliances and faVille l'Evêque." "There," said one of vorable to despotism in its internal influthem, "he listens to our complaints, writes ences, that then it was he joined Messrs. to the minister of justice, and puts himself Barrot and Thiers, and re-established an on correspondence with all the provincial equilibrium between the three powers of the authorities it may be necessary to appeal state. But was not such an alliance in itself to in order to obtain us justice and redress. anarchical, and was not the appeal they afBut when he becomes minister he receives terwards conjointly made to the passions of us very coldly, cautions us against offend- the people most unfavorable to the exist

ence in a condition of suitable respect and reverence of the monarchical authority?

The too rapid transition of M. Guizot, from being the ally of Barrot and Thiers to becoming their dreaded foe, remains also to be satisfactorily accounted for. I know that the answer would be, I only formed the alliance for one object, namely, to re-establish a parliament government and majority; and now that is done, it is for the king to choose a government out of that majority-to which I belong. He would also say, that whilst he agreed with M. Thiers on the domestic, he no longer did on the foreign policy of France, and that it was precisely on foreign questions that the new cabinet was formed, of which he is really the chief. But then how came it to pass that for so many years Messieurs Guizot and Thiers thought and acted precisely similar on all foreign matters ?

The last time I saw M. Guizot he was defending at the Tribune his own policy and administration. He was calm, collected, dignified, and almost sublime. He uttered with a deep and sonorous accent some of those political axioms for which his and Royer Collard's school was always distinguished. The Extremes of the House were indignant. The Centres rose to a man to cheer him. The smile that played on his lips seemed to say, "I see then I have a large majority." Yes, M. Guizot, you have, and it is well for France it is so.

merchandise; peace with all the world, and a well-considered and desirable progress. Since that period events have transpired of great importance. Belgium has been preferred to England. Duties have been imposed on British manufactures which, if not altered, must lead to retaliation; and M. Guizot, after having made this sacrifice to the commercial ignoramuses of the Chamber, has made another to the war-party by refusing to ratify the treaty which admitted the right of search where vessels were suspected of carrying slaves, and of being engaged in the slave-trade. But have these concessions improved his political situation, or increased his power and influence? Has he neutralized the opposition, or silenced his implacable foes? Is he called less frequently than formerly the "Transfuge de Grand," or the "doctrinaire," or the "traitor to the interests of France ?" Not one whit. But still he has faith in the parliamentary system; still, at the moment I am writing these lines, he is preparing to meet the Chambers; still he calculates on a majority, and points to the result of the ballot in the first arrondissement in Paris, and says, "My candidate has defeated the united coalition!"

Oh! the wonderful changes in the positions and degrees of influence of political men in France! Look at Guizot as a specimen! Now, a student of history and moral philosophy! A popular and courted proHow admirable was the defence of M. fessor! Then proscribed and abandoned! Guizot at the period to which I allude! Now preparing for new honors and fame by With a strong Anglo-phobia against him, writing books that will outlive him! Now which had even reached the ranks of his a minister almost worshipped by the popuown supporters, he had at once to proclaim lace! Then scouted by that very populace, himself a friend to the English alliance, but and insulted by charivaris in the provinces ! not its slave. He could not, consistently Now victorious again, and at the head of with his past life, and his then present feel- public instruction throughout France! Then ings also, abandon an alliance which is still overthrown and rejected by a vote of the in his opinion of vital importance to France; house, elicited by an oration of Berryer! and yet he knew full well that if he had re- Now joining Thiers and Barrot to obtain signed the position to which he had attained, the establishment of a parliamentary govand had said, "I will give up my post as ernment! Then separating from Thiers, minister and leave it in the hands of my en- and becoming the chief of a moderate Conemies, unless I can carry that alliance en- servative party! Now pressing forward to tirely," Count Molé was at hand, with the a happy termination the European treaty of court to back him, and Russia ready to re- alliance, which acknowledged the right of ceive him with open arms; or M. Thiers search to abolish effectually and for ever was there with his war-party to cheer him the slave-trade. Then, forced to yield to on, and to leave France without either the his own beloved parliamentary system, and north or west of Europe to coalesce with refusing to ratify a treaty which his conher. So that the moment of which I speak science approves, but which his position was one of great difficulty for M. Guizot; prevents him from confirming! But let it but he parried the thrusts which were made not be said that this is a life of inconsistenat him with admirable dexterity, and pro- cy, and that there is a want of harmony in claimed a system of government of protec- his conduct. No; the whole of his conduct tion against, but not prohibitive of, English is in perfect keeping with his system and

On the whole, M. Guizot is a great man. I glory in his acquaintance, and am proud of having known him; I have watched him long and narrowly, and am satisfied that he is as honest and conscientious in public life, as he is charmful and endearing in his private associations.

DAVID.

his creed, namely, that of a parliamentary ever confer and secure. But these men forgovernment. He is willing to be minister, get, that although M. Guizot is by no means when called upon by his king, and supported a zealous and indefatigable Protestant, still by a majority; he is willing to retire, when that he is viewed with as much suspicion by either the king desires to change his ad- all the Romish clergy as if he were, and that visers, or the Chamber its policy. Once or France is neither Protestant nor Infidel, but twice, indeed, he has been embarrassed as Romanist. I say this advisedly. to his course, but his attachment to the English alliance has decided the line of conduct he has eventually resolved to pursue I mean when compelled either to make some concessions to the commercial, and to the war-parties in France, or to resign. He knew full well that if he resigned, either the war-party or the Russian party would triumph, and that in either case he might bid adieu for a long period of time, both to his parliamentary form of government for France, and to his cherished and approved English alliance. So he resolved to remain in office, and to fight the battle which had long been threatened with the united coalition. And now I hear the war-note in the Chamber! Not satisfied with the concessions already made, his opponents, and the enemies of England, require that even the anterior treaties as to the abolition of the slave-trade should be cancelled by France, and that she should resemble the United States, and stand aloof from this measure of benevolence and civilization. But to this demand M. Guizot will reply by a decisive and non-mistakable negative; and should a majority in the Chamber of Deputies decide against him on such a question, he would act in accordance with his parliamentary principles and resign!

That was a happy day when first I became acquainted with DAVID, for he is the most truthful man I ever met with, in this sad world of treachery and deceit. I see him at this moment before me in his large sculpture rooms, or workshops if you will, with a blue smock frock on his back, a black and red striped military travelling cap on his head, with his chisel in his hand, covered with poussière, or the white powder of the stone or the marble, now looking at the giant block he is transforming by his genius and his touch from inanimate matter to a glowing life, which seems to move, to think, and to have its being; and then turning round to gaze at his beautiful boy, who is playing in his ateliers with the busts, or the heads, the medallions, or the castes, and models, which lie about in glorious profusion. And as my memory's eye recalls this great-minded, little-bodied man, my heart bounds forward to meet and to love him. Yet David is a Republican.

M. Guizot is a sincere friend, a delightful and agreeable companion, full of sweetness, amiability, and even tenderness, and has a I have lately sketched in my last and prenoble, warm, and most generous heart. But sent "Reminiscences" the two extremes of he is ambitious-not of place, but of repu- BERRYER, the Royalist, and GUIZOT, the man tation; not of wealth, but of fame; not of par excellence of the constitutional and parposts of rank and elevation, but of the opin- liamentary party; and now comes DAVID, ions of the good and the wise. He is not the Republican sculptor, the very beau idéal indifferent to what history shall record of of democracy; the believer in human virtue him, and he takes great pains to supply his- and perfectibility, the asserter of utilitariantorians in his speeches, and by his writings ism, the supporter and friend of all who ad. and correspondence with the means of judg-vocate Republican doctrines and dogmas, ing him correctly. He has enlarged and not only backing them by his name, his magnificent views on the subject of public genius, and his friendship, but with his instruction, and understands as well, if not purse. Can all of these men be honest?— better than any man in Europe, the philoso- Yes. Should they all be loved?-Yes. Each phy of education. And when in office he of them views conscientiously man and soeffects much for the development of mind ciety through different lenses. They are all as well as for the improvement of character. of them equally sincere. Berryer believes Some, indeed, have thought that he could in the fostering, nourishing, paternal, enhave done more; and that he has not brought couraging character of a powerful and unisufficiently to bear, when in office, on behalf ted monarchy. He sees in its attributes of national education, the immense advan- protection for religion, for morals, for peace, tages which, in France, official power will for order, and even for progress. Guizot

believes in the impossibility of securing a outline, then the drawing, then the clay mopermanently good monarchical government, del, and then the block sculptured into these unless the monarchy is restrained by public striking, and speaking, and reasoning forms! opinion on the one hand, and yet is support- And there, at last, stood GUTTENBURG, holded and encouraged by an hereditary nobilitying out the proof sheet from his first types, on the other. cut so roughly, and hewn so strangely, and yet producing the impression of the words, And there was light."

David believes that the people can govern them elves, and that progress and liberty can never be so safe or certain as when in- "I have often imagined," said David, in trusted to the mass of society. Thus Ber- his strong and masculine eloquence, "that ryer would establish a powerful, and yet a beginning, which Moses has described so national and popular monarchy; Guizot, a sublimely and so concisely. There was no mixed form of government, in which all the form, there was all void. All was darkness powers of the state should be happily blend- and desolation, and abyss upon abyss, and ed; and David would have but one power-depth after depth, with darkness, coldness, the vox populi, which he believes most sincerely to be the vox Dei.

and an eternity of both upon the face of the earth. But there were waters. They rolled David was born at Angers; was a pupil of on in impenetrable masses, and added to his namesake the celebrated David, in his the grandeur, but to the horror of the unheart a Republican too; is the sculptor of seen scenery. But the Spirit of God, of the people; the donor of national monu-beauty, of harmony, of power, of majesty, ments to France; the man who embodies a of uncreated genius, and underivable knowwhole history in a few marble outlines, and ledge, was there; and it moved upon the whose chisel is as full of causes for wonder-face of the waters. What a movement was ment as his mind. He is one of the strong- that! Darkness felt it, and fled. The waest thinkers I ever met with, and will trans-ters felt it, and stood as a heap of an obedifer his thoughts to stone or marble with a rapidity almost beyond belief. Take an example:

I called on him one day when he had just decided on presenting to the birthplace of GUTTENBURG a gigantic statue of the founder of printing. But how should he represent his hero? Studying wooden blocks and types? No! Sitting before his first letters and finishing them with his tools?-No! Or simply placed before him a table on which should be inscribed his name, or deposited his first work?-No; David's genius soared beyond this; he conceived the delight, the astonishment, the wonder, which Guttenburg must have felt when he drew off the first proof sheet, and beheld that the words which appeared before him were,

And there was Light.

Yes-with the establishment of printing the darkness of the past disappeared, minds, like bodies, might from that moment come into useful and glorious collision, the opposite hemispheres would approach each other, the art, the talent, the learning, the genius of antipodes, would seem to meet; and ignorance, vice, and corruption, would be put to flight.

I was present at the creation of this bright thought, of this original and glorious conception, of this invention of a mind replete with sublime thoughts and glorious and glowing imageries. And how he took delight afterwards in exhibiting to me first the

ent and willing element, ready to retire at his control. That was the moment of indecision, uncertainty, and doubt; but the next all was transformed, for 'God said, let there be light; and there was light!' Then it was that void ceased! Then it was that the empire of unshaped, and concealed, and hidden principles was put to an end,-'For God saw the light that it was good; and he divided the light from the darkness.'

"And thus it was," continued David, in his own peculiar strain of noble and rich. thought, and solemn cadence," and thus it was, my friend, when Guttenburg arose, when printing was invented, when man could tell his fellow-man wherever a book could reach him,-all he thought of society, of mind, of government, of nature, of God himself. The mind, therefore, like the world without form and void, and with darkness upon its face, became emancipated from its cheerless prison, was freed from its chains and fetters, and leaped into life, action, and development! For there was light.

66 see

"Look at him!" he continued, how Guttenburg is himself startled even by the offspring of his own genius. Oh, how his soul doubtless seized, as by inspiration, the glorious fact, that from thenceforth the mind of man would be as omnipresent as the God who made it, and that truth,mighty, glorious truth, might from that time become co-extensive with the world Yes-and the light was good. For truth could now be made known; error could be