ed from thence into Ireland, in British shipping, whereof the master and three fourths of the mariners are British. By the 15th of Charles II. and 7th of William III. his lordship observed, that goods, the product of Europe, cannot be imported into any British plantation, unless shipped in Great Britain, and carried directly from thence in British-built shipping, except salt for the fisheries, horses, and victual and linen cloth from Ireland, provisions and implements for the fisheries, clothing and accoutrements for the army, and other articles of manufacture permitted to be exported from thence into the British plantations, by the 3d and 4th of Ann, 3d of Geo. I. 15th and 18th of Geo. III. His lordship enumerated several other acts, of the same tenor, directed to particular articles of import and export, not necessary to be particularly mentioned, but all framed upon the same principle. Having laid down these premises, as the foundation on which he was to rest his intended proposition, he declared that in his opinion, it was the interest, and consequently the duty of Great Britain, to do every thing in her power, which might promise to advance, promote, and extend, the interest and commerce -of Ireland, upon the broadest and most extensive ground and firmest basis; and as one of the most certain means of rendering that country useful to herself, and truly valuable to this, would be to open new sources of commerce to her, and such as it would be impossible for Ireland to obtain without the liberality and indulgence of this country, though she had been totally an independent nation. This he said would prove the only wise and prudent means to afford our sister kingdom relief, and that species of relief, too, that would serve more to convince her of the sincere and affectionate desire we have to render her happy, contented, rich, and prosperous. It would be an unequivocal proof of the candour and sincerity of Great Britain, and he made no doubt but Ireland would receive it as such, and that the whole would have a happy termination. He condemned local prejudices and national partialities, very warmly; though under different legislatures, he maintained that Great Britain and Ireland had but one conjugal interest, and were in the genuine sense of the phrase but one people. He acknowledged that Great Britain ought to be no sufferer by her bounty to Ireland. The latter would, it was certain, gain much, but this country would be no loser. But even if the sister kingdom should be enabled to rival us at foreign markets, in a few commodities of native growth, cheapness of labour, and other incidental circumstances, we should not forget that Ireland formed a part of the British empire, and the only part too out of this island to which we could look for assistance in the moment of F f VOL. 11. peril or distress. He wished every person out of it, who turned his thoughts to the subject, would look at it fairly, and consider it without partiality or prejudice, not upon a narrow or contracted, but upon a liberal and extensive scale. It was a duty every man owed his country, to look attentively and gravely to our present situation, and to reflect, that as the superlucration of all the commerce of Ireland, let it arise from the profit of which branch of trade it might, would necessarily centre in the seat of empire; if not the whole, at least much the greatest part, and might be well estimated as forming a part of the accumulating wealth of Great Britain. Such was the happy temper now prevailing, that no opposition was given to these resolutions, the firm measure of a six months money bill; the non-importation agreement and the armed associations had produced a wonderful change in the public mind throughout Great Britain with reference to the affairs of Ireland. Bills founded on the two first propositions were accordingly brought in, passed both houses with the utmost facility, and received the royal assent before the recess. The third being more complex in its nature, requiring a variety of enquiry, and being subject to several limitations and conditions, was suffered to lie over during the ensuing holidays in its state of an open proposition, not only to afford time for consideration in England, but for acquiring a knowledge of the effect, which the measure was likely to produce in Ireland. To such an alarming crisis was the political state of Ireland now brought, that the people began to look up to the armed association for redress, rather than to their representatives in parliament. But hitherto, these bodies having acted only in detached companies, knew not their own strength. They found it necessary for their grand project, to form themselves into regular battalions, and establish a system of communication with each other. Long had the original cause, or occasion of the volunteers arming in self defence against a foreign enemy, been sunk into the more interesting object of asserting their constitutional independent rights, and procuring a free and open trade for their country. As far back as at the close of the year 1778, the armed associations in Ireland were computed to amount to 30,000 men : and they had been increasing from that period: they clad and armed themselves voluntarily; they cheerfully learned the use of arms, and freely submitted to the most exemplary discipline : but their transcendent attention was to instil into each other an uniformity of political sentiment and determination not to quit their arms, till they should have accomplished the complete liberation of their country from the sovereignty of the British parliament. In the beginning of the year 1780, they entered upon the plan of general organization: they appointed reviews for the ensuing summer; and chose their exercising officers and reviewing generals; and thus the foundation of Irish union was laid. They now openly declared their opinions upon the state of public affairs; and the newspapers teemed with resolutions of the different corps, all in unison declaring, that Ireland was an independent kingdom, and fully entitled to all the uncontrouled rights, privileges, and immunities of a free constitution: that no power on earth but the king, lords, and commons of Ireland, could make laws to bind them: and that they were ready with their lives and fortunes to resist the usurpations and encroachments of any foreign legislature. Such were at this period the universal sentiments of the Irish people, if the will of a people can be known. The government, and their parliamentary majority, were alarmed at, and consequently inimical to the propositions. Mr. Grattan, however, on the 19th of April, 1780, after a most animated speech, moved, that the house should resolve and enter on its journals, "That no power on earth, save "the king, lords and commons of Ireland, had a right to make "laws for Ireland." After a most interesting debate, that lasted till six o'clock in the morning, in which every man but one, acknowledged its truth, either expressly, or by not opposing it, Mr. Flood, who well knew that the ministerial members were committed to negative the motion, if it came to a division, recommended, that no question should be put, and no appearance of the business entered on the journals; to which Mr. Grattan consented. Upon the appearance of some active sincerity in the British cabinet and parliament, the Irish House of Commons proceeded to take into serious consideration, the regulations necessary to place the commerce of that kingdom on a footing of stability and advantage. It is characteristic to that nation, to be prodigally grateful for benefits even intended. The supplies were granted for a year and a half longer; and 260,000l. were ordered to be raised by treasury bills, or by a lottery, as the lord lieutenant should direct. On presenting the money bills, to which his excellency gave the royal assent, Mr. Pery, the speaker of the This was the first time that the expedient of a lottery, to aid the raising of the loan, was resorted to in Ireland. Two hundred thousand pounds being wanted, a lottery, consisting of 42,000 tickets, was proposed, 40,000 of those were paid for at five pounds each; and one ticket given as a douceur, to every subscriber for twenty. Debentures, bearing interest at four per cent. for 210,000l. were ordered to be made out for the payment of the prizes; and it being necessary to borrow 140,000/. more, treasury bills, for the first time, were ordered to be issued, at an interest of three-pence per day for each 1007. being 47. 118. 3d. per cent, per annum. House of Commons,* made a speech to the lord lieutenant, which was highly satisfactory to all parties, for which the house thanked him, and desired him to print it. Notwithstanding the general elation of the Irish upon the flattering prospect of a free trade, their joy was but of short duration: upon maturer consideration, the generality of the commercial interest in Ireland was dissatisfied with the proposed system of equalizing the duties between the sister kingdoms, and the British ministry was so imprudent at that time, as to irritate and inflame the distrust and disaffection, that had so long rankled in the public mind of Ireland, which then, with arms in her hands, had earnestly turned her thoughts to the assertion of her independent 10 Journ. Com. p. 142. The speech was to the following effect: "The Right Honourable Mr. Speaker's Speech to his Excellency John Earl "of Buckinghamshire, Lord Lieutenant General, and General Governor "of Ireland. "MAY IT PLEASE YOUR EXCELLENCY, "During the vicissitudes of a foreign, and still "more dangerous, civil war, which has wasted a great extent of the British "empire, it has been the peculiar felicity of this nation to preserve the public "tranquillity: and though long depressed by the narrow policy of former "times, still to retain such vigor, and at the same time such temper and cau"tion, as animated it to claim, with honest confidence, its rights; and yet "restrained it from transgressing the bounds of its duty, or hazarding the "loss of that inestimable blessing, the British constitution. To this state of "union and moderation, unexampled in any age, or in any country, under "similar circumstances; to your excellency's judicious conduct and faithful "representations; to his majesty's benevolent disposition and tender concern "for the sufferings of his people; to the wisdom of his minister, however "questioned in some instances, in this acknowledged by all; to his resolution "and constancy in combating established habits and rooted prejudices; and "to the justice and generosity of the British nation, must be ascribed the "happy restoration of that equitable system of equality in commerce, which "has silenced, I trust for ever, those pernicious suspicions and jealousies, "which lately threatened the peace of both kingdoms. But, whatever ad"vantages this change in our condition may promise, it will avail us little if it "inspires false hopes and vain expectations of sudden affluence; the future "prosperity of this kingdom will depend upon our industry and economy, "public as well as private, the effects of which, though certain and perma"nent, are ever gradual and slow; and unless our expenses are regulated by our acquisitions, disappointment will be our portion, and poverty and dis"tress must be the consequence of our conduct. Notwithstanding these con"siderations, and the reduced state of this kingdom, the commons have "granted to his majesty much larger supplies than in any former session; they "have borrowed a sum of 610,000. to discharge the arrears of the establish"ments; and in order to provide against any future deficiency, they have made "an addition to the revenue, estimated at above 150,000. a year. Nor have "they been less attentive to the interests of the people, than to the honour of "the crown. The public good has been the object to which all their efforts "have been directed; and their conduct through the whole of this session, "has alike entitled them to the confidence of their sovereign, and of their "constituents; and will leave to all future parliaments a memorable and in"structive example of fortitude, moderation, and wisdom." 86 constitutional rights. The bill for punishing mutiny and desertion in the army for a limited time, had been transmitted, as usual, and was returned with the most alarming alteration from the English privy council: it was made perpetual: and very material alterations were also made in one of the commercial bills relating to the article of sugars. Provocation and harshness to Ireland were now peculiarly ill-timed. Discontent and resentment ran through the kingdom. The borough of Newry presented a petition to the House of Commons, stating, that the petitioners had heard with deep concern of alterations then said to have been made in the bill for laying a duty of twelve shillings per hundred weight on imported refined sugars; and also in the bill for the better regulation of the army: that the duty of twelve shillings appeared to be the lowest, that could possibly be admitted, with the appearance of justice to that country; and that a perpetual bill for the regulation of the army, or of any other duration than from session to session, was a daring attack on the constitution of both countries. That they humbly prayed, that, by an equal distribution of justice, the mutual cordiality between Great Britain and Ireland might be ensured; and the necessity for that country to resolve to consume her own manufactures only, might be removed; and that a parliamentary army might be maintained in Ireland, regulated upon principles such as Great Britain could approve of, and Ireland submit to. Several other petitions were also presented to the like purport. On the 16th of Aug. 1780, the House of Commons resolved itself into a grand committee, to take into consideration the altered mutiny bill. It was contended, in support of that measure, that if parliament had an intention to preserve the peace of Ireland, they must pass the bill in its present state. That as long as parliament held the purse of the nation, they could, by refusing to pay, annihilate the army. That the hereditary revenue never could be applied to the payment of the army, because it would destroy itself in the very ends it should be employed for. That if the king were granted the liberty of raising an army, he should also have the perpetual power of regulating that army, On the other side it was argued, that the present bill tended to the subversion of all public liberty. That it would not be wise to grant to the crown a dictatorial power over fifteen thousand men for ever. That it was the wish of the kingdom to be governed by its own laws. That they considered the power of originating this very act as a declaration of rights: they were consequently contending with the minister of Great Britain, not for any concession, which might wound the interest or pride of the English, but for a measure, which would bring every man in Britain on their side, as they could not wish to see the power of |