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trol and assumption, to please faction, is another. By the former, submission and veneration are insured to those invested with command; by the latter, divisions and bickerings are occasioned, intrigue and deceit are put in practise, scandal is given to religion, and thus the keystone of authority is loosened, to the manifest injury of society. These positions are so true, that they cannot be contested; how essential, then, sir, must it be, that those, who are appointed to direct others in their duty, should set an example of submission to the decrees of their superiors, if they expect to be obeyed themselves? How necessary is it, that those who are invested with command, should exercise it with exactness and fidelity, and not occasion their judgment to be called in question, by outstepping the limits of their authority, and issuing equivo cating and inaccurate documents in support of their usurpation. Since you and Mr. Gradwell are such streneous advocates for submission to an unauthenticated decree of a foreign tribunal, let me ask you, sir, why you and your reverend friend do not manifest equal obedience to an authenticated mandate of the supreme head of our holy church? On the 7th of August, 1814, his holiness issued a bull to the catholic world, in which he strongly recommended, in the Lord, the company of Jesuits, and all its members, to the archbishops and bishops, and to all those who are placed in authority. We exhort, we conjure them," says the holy father, "not only not to suffer that these religious be in any way molested, but to watch that they be treated with all due kindness and charity. We ordain that the present letters be inviolably observed, according to their form and tenour, in all time coming.....It is also ur will, that no one be permitted to infringe, or by an audacious temerity to oppose any part of this ordinance; and that, should any one take upon him to attempt it, let him know that he will thereby incur the indignation of Almighty God, and of the holy apostles Peter and Paul." This command, sir, is not contained in a decree from a tribunal of the court of Rome, sanctioned by the pope as a temporal sovereign, but is taken from a document publicly and regularly addressed to the catholic world by the pope, as so.

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vereign pontiff and head of Christ's church upon earth, and therefore, you, sir, as a catholic, and Mr. Gradwell too, as well as myself, are in duty bound to obey it, as far as we are able. There cannot exist a doubt but its authority and efficacy extends beyond the diocese of Rome. But, Mr. Thompson, have you taken care that the members of this company have not been in any way molested? Have you watched that they might be treated with all due kindness and charity? Have you never opposed any part of this ordinance? And have your reverend friend Mr. Gradwell shewn as much regard to the order of the holy father as he contends a catholic is bound to shew to a decree of the Index? I wish you were able to answer me in the affirmative. I will say nothing of occurrences at home, but referring to the 60th number (May, 1818) of "a Journal called Orthodox,'" I find it there stated, that the Rev. Robert Gradwell, with Mr. Macpherson, and a certain baronet, and the late baron Ompteda, were linked together in a couspiracy, at Rome to get an ordinance in favour of the just-mentioned order of the church rescinded, which had been passed by the congregation of the propaganda, (to which our missions are lawfully subject, it being a spiritual council, expressly and exclusively) and received by the proper authority in this country. I find Mr. G. there applying to the cardinal minister of state, and working his way with gross misrepresentations, that catholic emancipation depended upon its revocation, that the hopes of the English and Irish catholics would vanish for ever, if a counter order were not instantly dispatched. The propaganda would not consent-the pope is applied to by the MINISTER OF THE COURT, and he at last prevails on the holy father to consent. This account, sir, I have been personally assured by a gentleman of unimpeachable veracity, who was at Rome at the time, is accurate and true; and when such tricks have been played by your reveread friend, in spite of the heavy denunciations in the pope's before-mentioned bull, I am sure I shall stand excused, by every sensible and unprejudiced mind, if I reject the statements in Mr. Gradwell's letter, which you have ushered into notice, until they are verified by facts, and supported by less suspicious

testimony, than his own. When recourse can be had to the influence of temporal ministers, by the agent of ecclesiastical superiors, to get a spiritual ordinance repealed, to molest and oppose a body of men who are under the protection of the head of the church, it is natural to imagine that no more deficacy will be shewn to an individual who may have the misfortune, by his zeal in the cause of religion, to fall under your displeasure, and that of sir John Cox Hippisley, and Mr. Leslie Foster. How, then, in the name of consistency, can you expect submission to your dictates, when you refuse to listen to and obey the solemn mandates of your supreme father? How, in the name of plain dealing, can you expect we shall give credit to Mr. Gradwell's unsupported assertions, when he is known to have resorted to trick and chicanery for party purposes? I agree with the last named gentleman that "Honesty is the best policy," and I shall be happy to see those follow the precept, whose duty it is to set the example."

Nothing, sir, contribute's so much to weaken and destroy authority as the abuse of it; and nothing can shake the unity of faith so much as diversity of opinion and conduct among the ministers of religion. When ecclesiastical superiors are united in defence of the church, and their decisions are published according to the rules laid down by the canons, the people will always venerate them, and receive their commands and instructions with docility and submission. But when they see one body of the clergy hostily engaged to injure and oppose the exertions of another, from self-interest and narrowmindedness; when they see this same body privately intriguing to render nugatory the ordinances of that authority to whom they owe subjection, and this too through the influence of statesmen and politicians; when the people see attempts made in Lancashire, and elsewhere, to suppress works,, as heterodox, which are allowed to be circulated as catholic in other places; when they see the opposers of these works carrying their operations against them in the dark, and resting their triumph on the secret judgment of a secret tribunal, than which nothing is more abhorrent to English feelings, and I can now add to Spanish feelings also; can we woll

der if suspicion is awakened, and resistance is made to the innovations which are attempted to be introduced among them by you and Mr. Gradwell? Is it not natural for the human mind to conclude, that were justice and reason on your side, you could have no cause for secresy? And would it not be better, for the sake of truth and res ligion, that the errors which are said to exist should be publicly proclaimed and exposed? By such a proceeding, all complaints would be removed, and the people would instantly be satisfied with the decision rightly pronounced. For myself, I can only say, I will be the first to set the example. In no instance have I ever set myself in opposition to lawful authority. I have, it is true, resisted the encroachments of faction, and I shall continue still to oppose them, because I consider it my duty as a catholic to resist injustice and intrigue, when it is injurious to my religion and my country. Were you, sir, to divest yourself of those prejudices which unhappily have gained possession of you, I am convinced you would see the impropriety of your present line of public conduct; and that these remarks, which I think will be considered temperate, if not agreeable, even by those who differ from me, may have the effect of removing party spirit from you and your friends, and of restoring peace and concord between all orders of the clergy, is the most fervent wish of, reverend sir your obedient servant,

WM. EUSEBIUS ANDREWS.

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THI THIS month has produced an event | true faith, we apprehend little danger, of far greater importance than any if any, will arise from the new order of that has occurred during the space of things. Nothing can be more condus many centuries, and reminds us much cive to the happiness of a state than an of that noble achievement of our own unity of principle; and where this can ancestors, the attainment of Magna be preserved, either in a civil or reli charta on the plains of Runnymede.-gious point of view, without unjust and Through the united voice of the people and army of Spain, an entire and bloodless revolution has been effected in that country; and, from a nation of slaves, under the autocrasy of a despot, her citizens are become free, under a political constitution, grounded on the ancient fundamental laws of that monarchy, and having for its basis the preservation and protection of the civil liberty and the property, besides all other legitimate rights, of all individuals belong ing to it. What effect this change will have on the religious feelings of the Spaniards we are unable to judge; but from the articles of the constitution, and the affection which the people of that kingdom have always borne to the

cruel laws, it is the first duty of the peo ple to maintain it. We have always considered the influence, zeal, and talents of the catholic clergy, when rightly directed, perfectly competent to secure public opinion in favour of truth, independent of the power of the state; and we need only refer to the sister isle for a convincing and incontestible proof of the accuracy of our conclusions. We have ever looked upon independ ent and virtuous catholic clergymen as the best defenders and protectors of the people's rights, because they were the steadiest opposers of innovation on the part of the crown. Witness an Anselm, a Thomas à Becket, a Langton, and a Fisher, in this country, and the circum

English protestant practices, we have no fear of the excellency of the former over that of the latter.

stance, that the cortes, who decreed and successful efforts of the Spaniards, they sanctioned the Spanish constitution of are now about to make a selection of 1812, were many of them learned ec- their delegates in the cortes, and both clesiastics, furnishes a striking proof bodies will be convened at the same that this spirit of patriotism and justice moment, to discuss and decide on such on the part of catholic divines is not laws and measures as may be requisite confined to the soil of England. It is for their respective countries. Here also a singular coincidence, that as we then we shall have a contrast between were indebted to a cardinal archbishop, the deliberations of the catholic legisla and others of the clergy, for the great tors of Spain and the protestant legisla charter of our rights, at the commence- tors of England and Ireland. By their ment of the thirteenth century, so is a fruits we shall know which are most atcardinal archbishop at the head of the tached to and grounded in the principles junta which has been formed to secure of civi! freedom and the liberty of the the faithful fulfilment of the Spanish press; and from what we have learnt constitution; and many of the friars, of the Spanish character and the cathowith the bishop of Valencia, are re-lic religion, as well as our experience of ported to have been foremost in urging the call for it in that province. These facts, then, must silence for ever that bigoted and groundless notion, which so In closing this number, however, we many protestants of this country have cannot help congratulating our ca holic entertained, that the catholic religion brethren, and the country in general, is inimical to civil liberty. Catholics on the vast and heart-cheering progress have long had to bear the taunts and of liberal principles, that has been mareproaches of their protestant country- nifested in the result of the elections for men, on the slavishness of their princi- members of the house of commons, ples, and their passive obedience to where the popular voice was called upon kingly and priestly authority; but the to decide. In every place where the time is now come when the protestants cry of "No-popery," was attempted to of this kingdom will be put to the blush, be raised, the yell was either silenced if they have any shame in them, by wit- by the rejection of the enemies to libernessing a display of true political sci-ty of conscience, or the party were comence among the regenerated Spaniards far superior to what they possess themselves. The conduct of Ferdinand in listening to the wishes of the people; his giving way in time, and with a good grace; his admission that the ex-ing the present general election, has tension of knowledge in the present age has rendered the old system of govern ment no longer proper; and his consenting to admit the people to a portion of liberty and a share in the government, has manifested a greater degree of political wisdom and fitness for sove reign power, than the arrogant hire lings of the English press have hitherto allowed him, and bespeaks him better suited to his high station than any one of his royal contemporaries. But we anticipate a far greater triumph of catholic principles in the conduct of the cortes, now to be elected, over the collected wisdom of this nation, than in the praiseworthy conduct of Ferdinand.-wich in conjunction with Mr. Crickitt, While the revolution was effecting in Spain, this country was occupied in choosing its representatives in the lower house of parliament. By the

pelled by the honest indignation and sober sense of the people, to hide their bigotry and illiberality from public view. The most signal triumph gained in favour of civil and religious liberty, dur

been at Ipswich. This borough, in the year 1813, not only petitioned against the claims of the catholics for civil emancipation, but one of its members, Mr. John Round, spoke for the first, and we believe the only time on any subject, in opposition to Mr. Grattan's motion for a committee in the session of that year. In this speech Mr. Round declared himself decidedly averse to the admission of his catholic countrymen to civil equa lity, and professed himself an advocate and defender of protestant ascendency. From the above period to the late dissolution of parliament, Mr. Round has continued to represent the town of Ips

and both have constantly voted in favour of the system of exclusion. On presenting themselves, however, to their constituents for re-election, this month,

two independent gentlemen offered | Dublin in 1811, and obtained grants

themselves to represent the borough on the principles of Reform and Civil and Religious Liberty, and the result of the contest has been the rejection of the exclusionists, and the choice of the two liberales. York has likewise returned two members in favour of freedom of conscience, instead of one in the last parliament; the county of Stafford has rejected a ministerialist, and chosen a man of liberal sentiments. The metropolitan county, Middleses, bids fair to return two strenuous friends of reform and catholic emancipation in the room of one only, while the other member neutralized his vote by siding with the bigots. Westminster has done itself credit; and if we cannot boast of the result of the city contest, yet we may exult in the circumstance that the great champion of protestant ascendency in the metropolis, Sir Billy Curtis, who, in 1806, hoisted the banners of bigotry and anti-popery, and, in 1818, displayed similar specimens of intolerance, dared not to repeat his disgusting exhibitions at this struggle, lest they should cost him his election, which was the case in 1818. In the borough of Southwark great exertion was made to excite the popular mind against the old members, by exhibiting placards against catholic emancipation, and calling upon the voters to give their suffrages for the ministerial candidate and protestant ascendency. But these tricks are grown too stale, and have lost their effect. The advocate for intolerance and corruption was obliged to decline the contest, for the people would not listen to him and his friends. A circumstance, however, has arisen out of this election of the most important nature to catholics, and demands their serious attentiou. was our intention to notice it in this number, but our limits will not permit us, and we must postpone our observations to the following month. Upon the whole, there has been a great accession of public opinion in favour of emancipation and reform, as well as of members to the new parliament, to support, by their talent and voices, this great national cause.

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from parliament annually amounting to 6000l. The third article of its regulations declares," that the leading principle by which the society shall be guided is to afford the same facilities for Education to all classes of profess ing christians, without any attempt to interfere with the peculiar religious opinions of any." Notwithstanding this declaration, however, it has been discovered that another regulation, by which the scriptures," without note or comment," were made a school-book, has been industriously enforced. Some exertions having been made, unsuccessfully, to get rid of this latter resolution, as militating against the leading principle, a final effort was determined on, and at the eighth annual general meeting of the institution, held a few weeks back, Mr. O'Connell proposed the appointment of a committee, to ascertain how far it did or did not clash with, or actually since it was clear that the greater part nullify, the aforesaid leading principle, of the poor in Ireland, being catholics, could not use the scriptures without note

or comment as a school-book, as it was contrary to the principles of their church. This motion produced an animated discussion, in which Mr. O'Connell, lord Cloncurry, and Mr. W. H. Curran, urged the propriety of the question, and a Mr. Warren and Mr. North opposed it. Mr. O'Connell and Mr. Curran were not listened to with much patience, and there were several hisses in the course of the former gentleman's speech. After a debate of four or five hours, the proposition of Mr. O'Connell was negatived by a majority of 80 to 19. On which lord Cloncur ry, the earl of Fingall, Mr. O'Connell, and several others, declared their intention to withdraw from the society.

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Since this discovery of the cloven foot of bigotry, Mr. O'Connell has addressed a letter to the catholic prelates of Ireland, recommending the formation of a TIONAL ASSOCIATION for education, emnbracing all classes of christians conjointly, and without interference with their religious tenets. This plan we think nearly as pernicious as the former, and will go as far to destroy the catholic religion in Ireland, as any that has hitherto been devised, though perhaps less perceptibly. Of this, however, we shall speak more at large in

our next.

An association, called "A Society for the Promotion of the Education of W. E. Andrews, Printer, 8, Drake-Street, the Poor in Ireland," was formed in

Red Lion Square,

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