perhaps, more as a worker than as an orator, his qualities as an administrator are not less remarkable than his statesmanship. No man of his age has been better able to feel the pulse of popular sentiment as it rises and falls almost from day to day, and especially so at times when his country has been confronted by issues of the gravest consequence, necessitating prompt and even drastic action. Many recognitions of President Diaz' statesmanship have been bestowed upon him by foreign potentates; and it is generally admitted that Mexico, under his government, has made a great advance in international consideration. The numerous foreign decorations which have been conferred upon the President may be regarded, not only as personal honours to the man, but also as tributes to the orderliness and progress of his nation, whose reputation for solvency, tranquillity, and dignity has now, it may be hoped, been firmly and solidly established. The act of our own King in conferring the Grand Cross of the Bath upon General Diaz, in July 1906, was greatly appreciated by the Mexican nation, more especially as it was the first occasion on which Great Britain had conferred so highly-prized a distinction upon the head of any Latin-American Republic. So recently as April 1909, General Diaz was also the recipient of the highest honour which the Tsar of Russia can confer upon a foreigner, namely, the Grand Cross of the Order of Alexander Nevsky. One of the clearest proofs of the high position which the Mexican Republic has taken in international affairs under the Presidency of General Diaz is afforded by the twice-tendered invitation from the United States to join with that Power in controlling the smaller Republics of Central America. Having established an enviable reputation in regard to the stability of its own government, and to the protection that it has given within its borders to life and property, Mexico is apparently deemed worthy of entering within the sacred circle of the Congress of Nations which control, either by moral or physical force, the peace of the world. Although it is, comparatively speaking, but a few years since Mexico was itself classified generally among barbarian nations, she to-day has demonstrated that at least one Latin-American Power can become really civilised; and, this being admitted, it follows that Mexico hereafter will be expected to emphy her weighty influence in support of those forces with make for civilisation throughout the turbulent less Republics of South and Central America. Within th past few months the moral influence of the Mexican Government has been brought to bear with marked success upon the troublous affairs of Nicaragua, Guate mala, and Salvador; and, although hitherto the Mexican Government has found no necessity to contravene any of the settled precedents of International Law, there can be no doubt that, in the event of such steps being requisite, the Government is fully prepared to act with that of the United States in putting an end, if necessary, by force of arms, to the frequent disputes between the five troublesome Republics of Central America. Although Porfirio Diaz has not travelled outside Mexico, he has long come to the same conclusion as Emerson, namely, that neither age nor country make any difference to a man's religion, and that sensible and con scientious men all over the world are really of one religion. The President's wife, a very devout and pious Catholic, is a regular attendant at mass, and faithfully observes every religious ceremonial and ordinance of the Church. It is eloquent of the perfect confidence and affection which exist between these two happily wedded persons that, during the whole of their long and prosperous life together, not a single religious difference has arisen between them upon any occasion to mar their complete understanding and sympathy. By his first wife, Donna Delfina Ortega y Reyes, who died in 1880, Porfirio Diaz had three children, two daughters and a son. The eldest daughter married Don Ignacio de la Torre, a gentleman of great wealth, but otherwise undistinguished; the younger is still unmarried. The military career of Major Porfirio Diaz, junior, has been uneventful, but without reproach. No children have been born to the President by his second wife (whom he married in 1883), Donna Carmen Roméro Rubio, a lady of great charm of manner and a good linguist The President is nearly forty years older than his wife. Entirely unlike most rulers of Latin-American countries-with whom indeed he has but few traits in ommon-Porfirio Diaz has, from the commencement of is political career, proved himself a man of moral probity. With ample opportunity of amassing wealth, he has egarded its acquisition as of little consequence to his mbition; and no personal acquisition or aggrandisement has tempted him to swerve from the strict path of duty and of independence of action. In the social duties of life he has proved himself equally erect, while he has shown himself a good judge of worth in others, no matter in what station of life he has found it. Much of Porfirio Diaz' success as a ruler may be attributed, apart from his sense of honour and justice, to his foresight as a politician, his recognition of the individual rights of citizens, and the capacity for reigning as a practical dictator without necessarily acting as despot. He seems to have thoroughly understood, and to have acted upon, Guizot's maxim that the art of politics is to provide equals for every power for which it cannot provide superiors. Diaz soon discerned that the principal drawback of the republican system of government, and the principal cause of the weakness of the authority to which he had succeeded, were the absence of concentration, the isolation of individuals, and the independence of his representatives. From the very beginning of his almost supreme power he set himself the task of overcoming these drawbacks; and the present peaceful and progressive condition of Mexico is his vindication. Just as in barbarian times, when any individual of superior genius and character was inevitably driven to found a despotism, that is, a government of his own individual will, so, when Porfirio Diaz came into power for the first time he found it necessary to increase his own authority and, incidentally, that of his successors, and to secure at his disposal everywhere powerful means of enforcing his will. If Porfirio Diaz has been for long a dictator, he has perhaps proved himself one of the mildest and least selfish autocrats whom the world has ever known. PERCY F. MARTIN. Art. 10.-THE NEEDS OF THE NAVY. 1. The Naval Annual. Edited by T. A. Brassey. Port mouth: Griffin, 1909. 2. Jahrbuch für Deutschlands Seeinteressen. Edited by Nauticus. Berlin: Mittler, 1909. 3. Taschenbuch der Kriegsflotten. Munich: Lehmann, 1900. 4. Fighting-ships, 1909. Edited by F. T. Jane. London: Sampson Low, 1909. 5. Our Fleet and Naval Policy. By Lord Brassey. (Printed for private circulation.) London, 1909. 6. The Navy League Annual. Edited by Alan H. Burgoyne. London: Murray, 1909. DURING the past six months the nerves of the British public have been subjected to a severe strain. Amid the decay of principles inherited from an earlier, less democratic, and more dignified period of our political history, it was believed that there was one, the stability of which was unquestioned and unquestionable, namely, that the British fleet should be maintained in a position of m challengeable strength. In March last it was admitted by the Government that, owing to German acceleration, we were in danger of losing our traditional position, and that energetic action was necessary. There was still, happily, a chance of locking the stable-door before the steed was stolen; but this precaution was deferred to the last possible moment, and, even then, was vehemently opposed by a section of the Cabinet. Historically, it would be difficult to prove that, as a fixed formula applicable to any two Powers, whatever the diplomatic situation, the two-power standard is an old one. During practically the first three quarters of the nineteenth century the relative strength of the British fleet varied greatly in accordance with the political circum stances of the hour, the whims of party leaders, and the kaleidoscopic groupings of the various Powers. Usually it was maintained with a margin of considerable, some times preponderating, superiority over the next most con siderable Power; but during the period of retrenchment in the seventies and early eighties, there were times when that margin was extremely narrow; and, though relatively large sums were expended on armaments, the larger moiety of the expenditure on national defence was devoted to the maintenance of the army and the elaboration of fixed defences ashore. Twenty-five years ago the sum voted for the army was 16,253,3381., while the total appropriation for the navy was 10,760,6647. The disproportion between the amounts allocated to the two services was not quite as large as these figures might suggest, as at that time the army votes were burdened with certain naval expenses. But, making allowance for this, nearly fifty per cent. more was being spent upon our land defences than upon the command of the sea. The beginning of the change which has ensued may be traced to the naval agitation of 1888 and the passage of the Naval Defence Act of the following year. This legislative enactment placed on the statute-book for the first time the principle which has since become known as the two-power standard.' Parliament thus put its seal upon a new principle of Imperial defence; and thenceforward the nation judged the adequacy or inadequacy our naval preparations by this rough and ready rule of thumb. Lord George Hamilton, in introducing the Naval Defence Bill of 1889, declared that our supremacy on the sea must, after all, be measured by the amber of battleships we can put into line. It is further our uty, as we find our neighbours are pushing forward the uilding of this class of ship, to make similar efforts. . . . Our stablishment should be on such a scale that it should at east be equal to the naval strength of any two other Countries.' The principle thus announced was maintained by Earl Spencer, who, during the Government of Lord Rosebery, usisted on a final readjustment of the balance of expenditure between the services. Russia subsequently evinced increased determination to expand her fleet in order to support her forward policy in the Far East; and we were thus faced by two great naval Powers, France and Russia. Happily for the British people, they had as First Lord of the Admiralty at this period a statesman of splendid courage and a financier of commanding ability in Mr (afterwards Viscount) Goschen. With the traditions of the Treasury behind him, Lord Goschen not only maintained but even extended the principle of 1889; and during his Ministry it was agreed that our establishment |