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express a point or duration of time (456, (bb)); and the infinitive, with the article and a preposition, may of course serve the same purpose. Thus it is that it matters little whether we say, ἐν τῷ ἐλθεῖν αὐτό, οι ὅτε ἦλθε, παρεγενόμην.

574 The most common forms, however, of the temporal sentence, are those which are expressed by the participle, or by means of some relative particle.

575 Almost all those cases, in which the participle can appear as a secondary predicate in the nominative case, are instances of the temporal sentence.

576 (α) The following express contemporary acts: γελών εἶπε, “ he laughed and said” or “ when he said he laughed;” ταῦτα λέγων ἐδάκρυε, “ when he said these things he wept.”

The same may be remarked of participles used absolutely (454, (dd), as ἐμοῦ καθεύδοντος, me dormiente, “ while I was sleeping."

The expression of the contemporary act sometimes appears to be equivalent to the hypothetical sentence; thus in Soph. Αj. 635 : κρείσσων "Αιδα κείθων ὁ νοσῶν μάταν, “ he who is mad is better when or if he is buried in the grave." Pind. Ol. IX. 103: åvevle θεοῦ σεσιγαμένον οὐ σκαιότερον χρῆμ ̓ ἕκαστον, “everything done without the sanction of God is better when it is passed over in silence.” Nem. V. 16: οὔ τοι ἅπασα κερδίων φαίνοισα πρόσωπον ἀλάθει ̓ ἀτρεκής, “strict truth is not always the better when it shows its face.” Arist. Vesp. 27: δεινόν γε τοὔστ ̓ ἄνθρωπος ἀποβαλὼν ὅπλα, “ assuredly a man is a strange object, when he has thrown away his arms.” Ibid. 47: οὔκουν ἐκεῖν ̓ ἀλλόκοτον, ὁ Θέωρος κόλαξ γενόμενος; “ was not that a strange thing, when Theorus became a flatterer?"

Sometimes the particles ἅμα, αὐτίκα, εὐθύς, μεταξύ, are added to the participle, as in Herod. IX. 57: ἅμα καταλαβόντες προσεκατό σφι. Id. II. 158: μεταξὺ ὀρύσσων ἐπαύσατο. Plat. Resp. 521 D: τόδε δ ̓ ἐννοῶ λέγων ἅμα. Id. Phæd. 60 Β: ἔτριψε τῇ χειρί, καὶ τρίβων ἅμα, Ὡς ἄτοπον, ἔφη, κ.τ.λ.

577 (6) The following express subsequent actions: ταῦτα ποιήσας, ἀπέβη; or in the absolute case, ἀποθανόντος Δαρείου, ἡ βασιλεία ἀνεχώρησεν ἐς τὸν παῖδα τὸν ἐκείνου Ξέρξην. Occa

sionally this secondary predication of an antecedent action is so connected with the main verb as to make, in fact, but one periphrastic tense; especially in the use of exw with the aorist participle: thus, áriμáσas exei тòv ävdpa, which is literally "having dishonoured the man, he keeps him so" (i.e. dishonoured), is equivalent to "he keeps dishonouring" or "continually dishonours." Some verbs, such as péλλw, "I am minded;" éxw, "I am willing;" Bouλopal, "I desire;" make a sort of periphrastic future with βούλομαι, the infinitive mood.

578 There are certain verbs which are always used with the participle of the verb, to the action of which they communicate, in fact, only an accessary value. Such are λav@ávw, tvyxávw, χαίρω, φθάνω and οἴχομαι. Thus, (α) λανθάνω ταῦτα ποιῶν, "when I do these things I escape the notice of (1) myself (i.e. I do so unconsciously); or (2) others (i.e. I do so secretly).” (6) ἔτυχον πаρóντes, "when they arrived there, they just hit the mark," i.e. they were there just at the time. (c) xaípovoiv ÉπaivoÛvtes, "when they praise they are glad," i.e. they praise gladly. (d) ëpoŋv åpixóμevos, "when I arrived, I was before them," i. e. I arrived first. (e) oйxeтal Teσv, "when he has fallen, οἴχεται πεσών, he is gone," i. e. he has fallen away. So that the main verb may always be rendered by an adverb.

579 Relative particles give a precise expression to every sort of temporal sentence. The antecedent is sometimes expressed, and sometimes contained in the tense of the verb. The following are examples of the use of these particles:

(a) Contemporary acts (eodem tempore) are expressed by oτe, ἡνίκα, “ when,” antec. τότε, τηνίκα; ἦμος, ἕως, “while, as long as,” antec. τῆμος, τέως.

ὁ ἑταῖρος ἐπεγένετο (sc. τότε), ὅτε σὺ ἔγραφες.
ἦμος, φίλαι, κατ ̓ οἶκον ὁ ξένος θροεῖ,

τῆμος θυραῖος ἦλθον ὡς ὑμᾶς λάθρα

(Soph. Trachin. 531, 533).

We have ews in both uses (below, 582) in Lysias, Frag. Orat. XXXIII.: οὐδ ̓ ἀναμεῖναι, ἕως ἂν ἐπ ̓ αὐτοὺς ἡμᾶς αἱ δυνάμεις ἀμφοτέρων ἔλθωσιν, ἀλλ ̓ ἕως ἔτι ἔξεστι τὴν τούτων ὕβριν κωλύσαι.

580 (6) Repeated acts (toties, quoties), ὁπότε, ὅτε, ὡς, ὅπως, generally without any antecedent: of present and future acts, with av and the subjunctive; of past acts, with the optative alone (Art. 514).

(a)

or

τότε δή, ὅταν ἃ χρὴ ποιῇς, εὐτυχεῖς,

ὅταν ἃ χρὴ ποιήσῃς, εὐτυχήσεις.
ὁπηνίκ ̓ ἂν θεὸς

πλοῦν ἡμὶν εἴκῃ, τηνικαῦθ ̓ ὁρμώμεθα

(Soph. Phil. 463).

ἐκ γὰρ Ορέσταο τίσις ἔσσεται Ατρείδαο
ὁππότ ̓ ἂν ἡβήσῃ (Hom. Od. I. 41).

(β) ὑπερῷόν τι ἦν τῆς ἡμετέρας οἰκίας ὃ εἶχε Φιλόνεως, ὁπότ ̓ ἐν ἄστει διατρίβοι (Antiph. p. 113, 3).

There are some instances in which the optative in the protasis follows a relative particle combined with av. Thus in the transition. to an oblique oration we have Dem. I. adv. Onet. 865, 23 : οὐκ ἔσθ' ὅστις οὐχ ἡγεῖτο τῶν εἰδότων δίκην με λήψεσθαι παρ' αὐτῶν, ἐπειδὰν τάχιστ ̓ ἀνὴρ εἶναι δοκιμασθείην, because the included sentence is δίκην λήψομαι, ἐπειδὰν δοκιμασθώ. And so in other passages, as Xen. Cyrop. I. 3, § 11; Thucyd. VIII. 54.

581 (c) Subsequent acts (postquam), ἐπεί, ἐπειδή, ἐξ ὧν, ἀφ ̓ οὗ.

ἐπεὶ δὲ φέγγος ἡλίου κατέφθιτο (Æsch. Pers. 377).

πολλοῖς μὲν ἀεὶ νυκτέροις ὀνείρασι

ξύνειμ ̓, ἀφ ̓ οὗπερ παῖς ἐμὸς στείλας στρατὸν
Ἰαόνων γῆν οἴχεται (Id. Ibid. 177).

582 (d) Continued action (usque dum), ews, ews où, eis ő, ὡς, ἔστε, μέχρις οι ἄχρις οὗ, &c.

If the act is past and certain, we put the indicative in the adverbial sentence; as

τοιοῖσδε πάσας εὐφρόνας ὀνείρασι

ξυνειχόμην δύστηνος, ἔς τε δὴ πατρὶ
ἔτλην γεγωνεῖν νυκτίφοιτ ̓ ὀνείρατα

(Æsch. Prom. 655).

As in the final sentence (614), the indicative is used with ews, when the object is represented as dependent on a condition unfulfilled or incapable of fulfilment; thus Plat. Gorg. 506 B: ŋdéws μèv ἂν Καλλικλεῖ τούτῳ ἔτι διελεγόμην, ἕως αὐτῷ τὴν τοῦ ̓Αμφίονος ἀπέδωκα ῥῆσιν ἀντὶ τῆς τοῦ Ζήθου, “I should gladly (if I were able, which is not the case) continue to converse with Callicles, until I should have paid him back the speech of Amphion in return for that of Zethus." Cratylus, p. 396 c: εἰ ἐμεμνήμην τὴν Ἡσιό δου γενεαλογίαν οὐκ ἂν ἐπαυόμην διεξιών, ἕως ἀπεπειράθην τῆς oopías Tavτnoi, "if I had remembered (which I did not), I would not cease, until I should have made trial'."

But if the act is future and probable, we use the subjunctive with av; as

ἐγὼ δὲ τὴν παροῦσαν ἀντλήσω τύχην

ἔς τ ̓ ἂν Διὸς φρόνημα λωφήσῃ χόλου
(Esch. Prom. 376).

If the sentence is virtually oblique, the subjunctive is changed into the optative, and the av retained, as in Soph. Trach. 687: kai μοι τάδ ̓ ἦν πρόῤῥητα, ἐν μυχοῖς σώζειν ἐμέ, ἕως ἂν ἀρτίχριστον ἁρμόσαιμί που.

=

583 (e) Previous acts (priusquam), Tpìv . The particle πρív, which is a locative form of πрó, belongs properly to the first member of the comparison, and ought to be followed by some relative, such as quam, or, more fully, ore = quam quum. But, in accordance with Greek brachylogy, the adverbial relative is generally omitted, so that πpív, which is properly an antecedent, is used as a relative'. The student will observe, therefore, that πρiv and ρivore are considered as identical. In the adverbial sentence after piv we may use either the indicative, subjunctive, optative, or infinitive.

(a) The indicative; of acts certain and past, when piv: "until."

Positively:

ἠγόμην δ ̓ ἀνὴρ

ἀστῶν μέγιστος τῶν ἐκεῖ πρίν μοι τύχη
τοιάδ ̓ ἐπέστη (Soph. d. Τ. 775).

1 See G. J. Kennedy, Remarks on Mitchell's Aristophanes, p. 12.

=

This catachresis has gone so far, that piv frequently appears with an antecedent *рóтepov, e. g. Thucyd. II. 65; Plat. Resp. p. 402 B. And in Thucyd, IV. 79, we have φθάσας διέδραμε πρίν τινα κωλύειν.

Negatively:

οὐκ ἦν ἀλέξημ ̓ οὐδέν

ἔδειξα κράσεις ἠπίων ἀκεσμάτων

πρὶν ἐγὼ σφίσιν

(sch. Prom. 479).

(β) The subjunctive; only after a negative sentence, of an act both probable and future, almost always with the particle av. After a future:

οὐχὶ παύσομαι

πρὶν ἄν σε τῶν σῶν κύριον στήσω τέκνων

(Soph. Ed. C. 1040),

i. e. "I will not leave off, till I shall have made you master of your children,” so that πρὶν ἄν= πρὶν ἢ ὅταν οἱ ἐὰν μὴ πρό

τερον.

After an imperative:

μὴ προκαταγίγνωσκ ̓, ὦ πάτερ, πρὶν ἄν γ ̓ ἀκούσῃς ἀμφοτέρων

(Arist. Vesp. 919).

After an optative in the apodosis, interrogatively:

τίς ἂν δίκην κρίνειεν ἢ γνοίη λόγον,

πρὶν ἂν παρ ̓ ἀμφοῖν μῦθον ἐκμάθῃ σαφῆ;

(Eurip. Heracl. 180).

Πρίν with the subjunctive, but without ἄν, is poetical.

After an indicative:

εἰδότι δ ̓ οὐδὲν ἕρπει

(Soph. Antig. 620).

πρὶν πυρὶ θερμῷ πόδα τις προσαύσῃ

After an imperative:

μὴ στέναζε πρὶν μάθης (Id. Phil. 917).

(γ) The optative; in oratione obliqua, after an optative, and of a past act, almost always without av2.

1 So Diphilus (apud Athen. p. 291 B):

οὐ γὰρ βαδίζω πρότερον ἂν μὴ δοκιμάσω,

whence we may explain the well-known ellipse in St Paul (ad Thess. II. 2, 3): ὅτι, ἐὰν μὴ ἔλθῃ ἡ ἀποστασία πρῶτον, [οὐ δύναται ἐλθεῖν ὁ Κύριος].

* The question, whether πplv dv with the optative is allowable, is the same as that respecting the correctness of ὅταν with the optative; for πρὶν ἄν=πρὶν ἢ ὅταν. If

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