might bring upon them more fearful calamities. He was, therefore, continually employed in devising some means which might tend to produce a reformation in manners and religious principle, as the only mode of obtaining the favour of God. With this view, in the year 1796, he addressed a letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury, in which he expressed the deep regret and most serious alarm with which he saw pure religion and genuine episcopacy attacked with zeal and obstinacy, and his fears for the consequences to the church and constitution, unless extraordinary exertions were made in their defence.

"What I would wish," said he, " to impress strongly upon all, is―That it is the duty of every man to exert his utmost powers and abilities, without loss of time, to stem that torrent of corruption, infidelity, and dissoluteness, which have drawn down the judgments of God upon that part of the world called Christian. Convinced that those judgments have been occasioned by the corruptions in the principles and practices of Christians, I am also convinced that the reformation which alone can remove them, is the reformation of principles and morals. I am ill qualified to point out the best and most effectual means of procuring such a reform. But I am confident no palliatives can succeed, and still less temporising or procrastination. Zeal must be opposed to zeal, and exertion to obstinacy. Vigilantibus non dormientibus,' is true in divinity as well as in law. If the exertion be all on one side, if we sit still while the enemy batters our gates, there needs no prophet to foretel the event. Now, if ever, the soldiers and servants

of Christ must put on their whole armour, and fight manfully for the faith."

Mr. Bowdler proceeds, with great deference, to offer various points to the consideration of the Archbishop.

"In spite of all the arts of his enemies, the king's conduct as a man and a Christian has been such, that besides his influence as king, his personal character stands very high, and his example has great weight. If it were suggested to him to call the attention of his parliament to this subject by a speech, stating the absolute necessity of a general and effectual reformation of manners, and recommending to both houses, and particularly to the bishops, to consider what measures may be fit and proper to promote such a reform; declaring at the same time his resolution to discountenance vice to the utmost of his power and influence, and, in particular, to suffer no one of profligate manners to be near his person such a step would, I conceive, have great effect at this time, and might be enforced by laws against the most crying sins of the age."

He goes on to propose that adultery be punished without regard to rank or sex; and the guilty person, whether male or female, be rendered infamous and incapable of marrying and of inheriting land; - that gaming be punished by fine and imprisonment; that the observation of the Lord's day be enforced by some new law, and the law be printed and dispersed gratis throughout the kingdom; that oaths be abolished, except in courts of record,

and even there that the use of them be limited, and that when used they be delivered by the judge himself, the whole court standing up; in all other cases, that he who is called upon to swear, sign a declaration of the truth of what he is about to say or attest, and the penalties of perjury be attached to such declaration. To these he adds a desire that some regulations should be made to enforce the residence of the bishops within their dioceses, and of the parochial clergy upon their benefices; concerning a visitation to be made by the bishops of every parish; the administration of the rite of confirmation in so many places as to put an end to the crowd and confusion that too frequently attend it the regular celebration of divine service; and lastly, the compelling the clergy to wear constantly some such part of the clerical habit as may clearly distinguish them from laymen. Mr. Bowdler concludes:

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Being fully persuaded that some new and striking regulations are necessary to rouse the nation to a sense of its duty, and some essential reformation both of principles and practice to avert the impending judgments of God, I have ventured to submit the foregoing to your Grace's inspection. It has been suggested to me, that should such measures originate from the bishops, they might not meet with effectual support in the cabinet or in parliament. The curate's bill seems to prove the contrary. Indeed I am convinced those who have most influence, would neither dare nor desire to resist any well-digested plan coming from such authority;

but, on the contrary, would gladly promote it. I am also persuaded, that such exertions would be received with gratitude and applause by the greater part of the nation. Many are but too apt to charge the bishops and clergy with indolence and negligence, and to attribute our corruptions and vices to that source. Such imputations would be effectually refuted by such exertions.

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I humbly entreat your Grace to pardon the presumption of this address. I might screen it by a fictitious signature; but in such a cause, I doubt if I ought to use such a subterfuge; and your Grace's kindness on a former occasion emboldens me to subscribe myself your Grace's

"Dutiful and obedient servant."

Copies of this letter were enclosed to Bishops Porteus and Horsley, with the former of whom Mr. Bowdler had at that time only a slight acquaintance; the latter was his neighbour, and often met and conversed with him, with a marked kind

ness and an easy familiarity. The reader may, perhaps, feel some little desire to see the notice taken of the letter by these distinguished prelates, which will also preclude the necessity of making any observations upon it.

"Sir,

"Fulham House, Nov. 28, 1796.

"About a week ago I received the favour of your letter, enclosing a copy of one which you had written to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and which I have read over more than once with great care and attention. The matters of which it treats are undoubtedly of the highest and most

serious import, and I shall most assuredly give them all the consideration which they so well deserve, and shall take as early an opportunity as I am able of conferring upon them with the Archbishop. After this, I shall be very glad of an interview with you when I remove to London for the winter, as subjects of this sort are much better discussed in conversation than by letter.

"In the mean while I may venture to go so far as to say, in general, that some of the evils you point out are not, in my apprehension, so great or so extensive as you seem to imagine; that several of the remedies you propose are, I fear, impracticable; that more exertions have been made for the removal of these grievances by the bishops and the clergy than you appear to be aware of, and that they have met with obstacles which have defeated their best endeavours.

"To instance only in one particular; —

"The necessity of preserving the sanctity of the Lord's day, and of preserving it from all profanation, is a point in which all men, even some who are no friends to religion, seem to be agreed, and in which one should imagine there would be no difficulty to encounter. Yet I know by experience that this is very far from being the case. About ten or twelve years ago I brought a bill into parliament to put a stop to public amusements on Sunday evenings, which about that time were growing much into fashion. The bill passed both houses, though not without a good deal of opposition. But on my expressing a wish that some clauses might be introduced to prohibit the travelling of waggons, stage coaches, &c. &c., and to restrain all persons from exercising their worldly occupations on the Lord's day, I was assured, that if I attempted any thing of that kind it would probably overthrow the whole bill, and destroy all