we cannot take upon us to say: this, however, we hesitate not to affirm (since we have it from one of their Paymasters) that some of the Jacobin Editors (we do not pretend to say which), "write for hire," and for FRENCH hire-not in defence of the Religion, &c. of their Country, but of every thing hostile to it; of Atheism, Anarchy and Blood.

We leave the Morning Chronicle to pursue its "amusements," and pronounce on the relative guilt or innocence of the two parties, and till it has completely made up its mind on the subject, take the liberty of recommending to it a little modesty.

We do not do this without reason. That Paper must have already seen, that IMPUDENCE will not always bear it out*; and Abilities, at least such as the Pere du Chene can command, will be still more ineffectual. We are not prone to triumph over the "poor and infirm;" but in the present case, we must make use of an expression of its own, and declare, that the Morning Chronicle is in its "dotage.".

under our Genius

Its Genius is rebuked.

Such is the vigour of Truth on one side! and the de bility and depression attending the consciousness of a bad Cause on the other! If this be the Paper SOLDÉ PAR NOTRE GOVERNEMENT; we are confident it will not much longer be thought worth the HIRE +.

Witness the fate of its confident assertions, respecting the Spice Islands, the Projet in Blanks, TATE's Instructions, the Blockade of Havre, &c. See the quotation from CAMILLE JORDAN, in our former Number.

DUKE

DUKE OF NORFOLK.

There is an old saying, that "Charity begins at Home"-which, like most old sayings, is not without its exceptions. The French, for example, who lately

saw, with little apparent emotion, fifty or sixty of the ablest Members of their two Councils, and the Conductors of every Journal not absolutely devoted to the victorious Party, hurried off, without even the mockery of a trial, in iron cages to a Civic Baptism, or to the pestiferous shores of Cayenne, are now tremblingly alive to the dismissal of His Grace of NORFOLK; and God knows the uproar it has occasioned at Paris, and the important advantages the Army of England expect to derive from it. The following passage, which we do not choose to translate, was probably transmitted to France, pencilled on an UNSTAMPED Paper; for we do not recollect seeing it in any Jacobin Print.

"L'assentiment et la presence du Duc de NORFOLK at the Whig Club) "joint à ses demarcbes recentes auprès GEORGE III. et de son fils presagent ce qu'on peut attendre de lui !”—L'Echo, 23dPluvoise.

AGAIN

"On apprend de Londres que le Duc de NORFOLK, qui S'EST SI BIEN "MONTRE, at the Anniversary of Mr. Fox, has been deprived of "his Command. This has occasioned a lively sensation in the "Country; the Troops are full of grief and indignation, and all "the Officers are come post to London, to declare that they will "resign, if he is not restored."L'Echo, 29th Pluvoise.

"All the symptoms which forerun a Revolution, now appear in "England in a most decided manner. The dismission of the "Duke of NORFOLK has enraged the Militia to such a degree, that "they are ready to turn their arms against the Government"they talk of nothing but imitating the conduct of the French "Guards."-L'Ami des Lois, 29th Pluvoise.

All this is foolish enough, we admit; yet we do not think it amiss to lay it before our Countrymen, and, as a French Wit says, pour cause.

CAMILLE

CAMILLE JORDAN.

ANOTHER Week has passed over, without any notice having been taken of the assertion of CAMILLE JORDAN, that ONE OF OUR JACOBIN JOURNALS WAS IN THE PAY OF THE DIRECTORY. To what are we to attribute this perseverance in silence? To the prudence, or the fears, of the Accused?

Our Readers, perhaps, may imagine, that as only one Journal is mentioned as being hired by France, the other three (for there are four in all) would have been forward to justify themselves from a charge which must for ever ruin them with their Countrymen; but they do not recollect that CAMILLE JORDAN speaks only of the Jacobin Journal which attacked himself" ascribed to him a ridiculous importance, &c."-it not falling within his plan to notice those that only attacked their Countryso that the FAIR CONCLUSION to be drawn from their silence seems to be, that MORE THAN ONE is conscious of its Guilt, and dreads to meet the CHARGE; at least this is the CONCLUSION we shall think ourselves authorized to make, till we extort a solemn disavowal from one or more of the suspected Journals.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE ANTI-JACOBIN.

SIR,

THERE is no point of view in which the French Re volution is considered so falsely, as when any attempt is made to defend, or to illustrate it by a comparison with

VOL. II.

C

the

the Civil Wars of this Country. The admirers of the French Revolution, indeed, though they have uniformly endeavoured to gloss over, and to palliate the atrocious acts of injustice and cruelty which occur in every part of its history, have thought it prudent to draw some distinction between the earlier and later periods of the Revolution. ROBESPIERRE they admit to have been a Ty-. rant; and though the pressure of the Foreign Powers upon France, would justify a great deal, yet even under these circumstances, they are of opinion that he pushed matters somewhat too far. But the first Preachers of the Sacred Duty of Insurrection, LA FAYETTE, BAILLI, BARNAVE, CHAPELLIER, &c. &c. are held up to our admiration as the Martyrs of Freedom; and to condemn them would be as unjust, and as unworthy of Englishmen, as to condemn Lord CLARENDON, Lord FALKLAND, and those illustrious Characters who in this Country made a stand against CHARLES the First. Let us examine how far the comparison is just.

The Constitution of Great Britain was from the earliest ages, in its Principles, Free. CHARLES the First, instigated by evil Counsellors, endeavoured to avail himself of scattered Precedents to establish the power of the Crown on the ruin of the Rights and Privileges of the People. The opposition he received from those distinguished Patriots, was directed to the end of preserving the antient Rights and antient Constitution of Britons; they sought only to transmit in security to their Posterity what they had received from their Ancestors; and when the Parliament had once passed the bounds of Justice and Moderation, they proved to the World, that they were ready to bleed in defence of the just Prerogatives of their Sovereign,

Sovereign, as they had been before in support of the Rights of their Fellow-Subjects.

The Constitution of France had for more than a Century and an half, been considered as an Absolute Monarchy. Louis the Sixteenth, desirous at all times of consulting not only the interests, but the wishes of his People, convoked the States General of his Kingdom, and publicly offered to them a Charter of Rights, and a Free Constitution, which he desired them to accept as a Basis, but which might be afterwards modified and extended, as might be judged expedient. This Basis the French Constitutionalists were successful in persuading the States General to reject, and the Assembly afterwards, at the instigation of this Party, adopted a Constitution professedly founded on the Rights of Man, which has since been universally admitted to have been the most absurd, the most contradictory, and the most impracticable form of Government which was ever created by "human wisdom and integrity;" or, what is much nearear the truth, by the folly or madness of men.

When this curious Fabric was unable to support itself, as many of the Constitutionalists as had it in their power, escaped from their Country, and left, without a struggle, their unfortunate Sovereign to his cruel and unmerited fate.

In the conduct of Lord CLARENDON, Lord FALKLAND, &c. &c. we shall perceive the strictest love of justice, the most sacred respect for property, and the greatest abhorrence and discouragement of crimes.

One of the first Acts of the Constitutional Party in France, was to declare the Property of the Clergy the Property of the Nation, and as a consequence of this Declaration, to rob them of it.