independence of thought you will form a man who will never possess any independence of character-and if a man has no independence of character he cannot live as a freeman, he cannot with propriety exercise the right of a free man. (Hear, hear.) But they of the Romish Church set forth a power above kings and princes to which the allegiance of all must bow; they set up a power in their priests before which the conscience, the independence, the formation of character and habits of man must bend. Now it is impossible that a man brought up under such a system is fitted for self-government; and you will agree with me when I say that the reason why this country can possess a measure of liberty which no other country enjoys, and still dwell in peace and quietness, is that Englishmen have learned the art of self-government. (Hear, hear.) But show me a people that has not learned self-government, and I will show you a nation that cannot receive the benefits of constitutional liberty without such a spirit being engendered as to emperil the safety of the State. (Hear.) Romanism, therefore, is not consistent in the training, the habits, and the character it gives to her votaries with the exercise of freedom and liberty; and we, as Protestants, say it is politically right that they who cannot educate so as to inculcate habits and form character consistent with freedom, should not have any part in the government of free men. (Hear, hear.) If we look round the world at this time we see impressed on the face of it unmistakeable evidences of this result. Look at America where there is a people similar to our own, and who in their laws, their institutions, and practically in the freedom they possess, are parallel with ourselves; from that country we have had lately pealing forth the declaration of "the Know-nothings." And what does that tell us? That when Romanism goes to the other side of the Atlantic and settles in America, where the fullest measure of freedom is allowed, the Romish system is found to be so inconsistent with peace and order, that it becomes necessary for the citizens to combine against it; and the great body of the Know-nothings has arisen out of the incompatibility of Romanism with the exercise of freedom. Look again at Sardinia. There we have a Roman Catholic country, and co-existing with Romanism a constitutional government, and an attempt, at least, to establish religious and civil freedom. But what is the result? The first movement of the Government, when it begins to think for itself, under the natural impulse of constitutional freedom, brings it into direct conflict with the Papacy. (Hear, hear.) Shall we go further, and point to France? What has been the result there? A constitution has been tried, a free press has been tried, and both have been again and again put aside as incompatible with the habits of the people. Freedom was always found to be inconsistent with the habits of a Roman Catholic people. Take another case, that of the South American States, which Mr. Canning said, in the House of Commons, he had called into existence, and which adopted a constitutional form of government. It was found by experience, that what is a blessing to us, and to every people trained, through the truth of God, to habits of freedom and independence of character, was found to be a curse to them; and, from the day when freedom was granted to them, their trade and commerce declined, until they now stand a withering example of the utter inconsistency of Popery with political freedom. (Hear, hear.) We find that, at this moment, the hand of God is resting in judgment on every part of Europe. Even this country has much to deplore. We find the valour of our troops everything we can desire; while, on the other hand, we find in the Government, to whom we look for the wisdom to conduct, and with whom rests the management of our military operations, everything to regret. (Hear, hear.) And why? The Christian replies, the hand of God is upou the nation, the wisdom of the wise is brought to nought, the government of the strong is broken down-and why? Because the Lord is displeased with his people, and humbles them, that they may be brought to remembrance before Him. (Hear, hear.) Throughout the whole of Europe we see that there has grown up, within the last few years, that which indicates, on the part of the Almighty, what we, at present, dare not pronounce upon-but changes, tokens, judgments, and controversies; all of which will issue doubtless in the accomplishment of the Lord's own purpose, but out of which come to us a message and a warning. (Hear, hear.) It is our duty, then, to watch and prepare. (Hear.) It is our duty, as Protestant Christians, especially to oppose that so-called liberal principle, which is, after all, but a modification of infidelity—that Governments have nothing to do with religion, but should treat all religions alike. The master-spirits of evil are manifestly at work in the earth. Infidelity, Popery, and idolatry comprise the whole kingdom of darkness, and we may class all of those who have not the truth of God, or who have departed from it, in one or other of these categories—and what is the result of this? That the Christian, who looks to his Bible, and watches the course of Providence-who prays, and watches, and waits patiently, that he may see the footsteps of the Gospel of Christ advancing among the nations, and the work of the Spirit of God manifested amongst the people-when He sees this spirit of wickedness abroad, as portrayed in the prophetic Word of God, he feels that he is called upon to be more watchful, more faithful, and more jealous of God's truth, more earnest and plain-spoken with God's people, and to lift up his voice more loudly against that which is dishonouring God. (Hear, hear.) But what do we see here in this kingdom? We see Popery advancing amongst us rapidly and unmistakeably. Here is the endowment of the Romish College of Maynooth, by means of which the State is training, day by day, the masters and teachers of the mischief I have been endeavouring to describe. (Hear, hear.) The very priests who burn and stamp upon the Bible (hear, hear), and deny to their followers the right of discussion-who hold forth their own superstition as a substitute for God's Word, and take out of the way of the people the light of that Gospel which it is our object to set before them-these are the men for the increase and multiplication of whom the Government are giving 30,000l. a-year. (Hear, hear.) It has been shown, by Mr. Hobart Seymour, that while Ireland requires only about fifty priests to be trained in that College to furnish priests for that country, the College provides for 500 students, who are educated and trained at the expense of the nation. (Hear, hear.) We have also the nunneries established amongst us, where the right of inspection, of surveillance, and overlooking of any kind, is denied, as if English people did not understand that in these places there is a tyranny and a restraint exercised, which ought not to be permitted in any free country. Another advance made by Popery was the claim to send out Roman Catholic chaplains to our army, to our military hospitals, and our gaols. All these things showed the onward march of Popery, and that advance could only be met by an open Bible, preached without reserve, by free discussion, and by continually exposing Romish error through the maintenance and avowal of Protestant truth. (Applause.) The CHAIRMAN then called on JAMES LORD, Esq., Chairman of the Committee, who read an abstract of the following Nineteenth Annual Report of the Protestant Association : "Your Committee have never presented a Report at a more critical and exciting period than the present. The aspect of affairs, whether at home or abroad, is startling and portentous. The great nations of the earth are at war with one another; and, in the estimation of public men, questions affecting Popery become more complicated and involved, from the union now existing between Protestant Great Britain and some of the Roman Catholic nations of the Continent. But, though these may in some respects tend to increase the difficulties of moving against Maynooth, they cannot be accepted as releasing Protestants from the discharge of an imperious duty. "Your Committee have ever desired to regard the work intrusted to them with Christian faith and prayer and love, by which alone it can be safely entered on, or brought to a satisfactory conclusion. "Actuated by such principles, they have continued their protest against Maynooth, and sought to obtain the repeal of the Act by which that College was endowed. Nor can they hesitate to express their conviction that there should be no withdrawal of the protest against Popery-no cessation of effort to procure the disendowment of that College. "If now, in consequence of the war with Russia, and the alliance with France, we are to cease our opposition against Popery, we must, on the same principle, cease from agitating this and similar questions so long as the war or the alliance continues. But will Rome do so? On the contrary, Rome avails herself of every opening, every opportunity, to promote her interest and increase her power. "Your Committee, however, desire to take their stand upon higher ground than this. They regard the endowment of Popery, and the countenance given by the nation to idolatry, as national sins. They consider the wrath of the Almighty, according to the teaching of Holy Scripture, as justly incurred by such sinfulness; and they are convinced that there must not only be a consciousness and acknowledgment of the sin, but national repentance, and a severing of the tie which now links Great Britain as a nation to the Papacy, lest, being involved in the guilt of Popery, we may also be involved in her punishment. Many of your Committee have not only taken a part in this work as the Committee of this Association, but have aided other organizations in their efforts towards the attainment of the same object. Feeling it to be a work of vast importance, and one in which all Protestant Christians ought to join, the Committee of this Association, which was one of the first to take up the question-now nearly twenty years ago-have watched with much interest and satisfaction the determination manifested by other Institutions to direct their efforts primarily for the attainment of one object—that object being the disendowment of Maynooth. Through the Divine blessing, the efforts of the Association have not been without effecting much good. A decided change has taken place in public opinion upon this question during the last twenty years. A check has been given to the encroachments of Popery, and Protestants are more intelligently alive to their dangers and their duties. Many of those who, even ten years ago, advocated the endowment of Maynooth as a piece of State policy, now see the untenableness of their position, and are ready to abandon it. "Even_Roman Catholics acknowledge the probability of Maynooth failing them, and express, from whatever cause, the desirableness of coming to some arrangement with Protestants on the question. "Some time ago, Mr. Lucas strongly recommended the Roman Catholic party to give up the grant, thinking they would thereby be in a better position to attack the Church of Ireland and demand its overthrow. He mentioned various facts, which led his mind to the conclusion that the grant must be given up, and had better be given up with as good a grace as possible, and upon the best and most advantageous terms to Roman Catholics. "Speaking of the feeling in England on the question, gathered, as no doubt it was, in part from those he meets with in the House of Commons, it is gratifying to find him bear the following testimony: : "Another fact-or what I believe to be a fact-is, that the grant to Maynooth is at this moment doomed in English public opinion. Whatever may be our theories or hopes, or fears or wishes, I do not believe that the grant can possibly be maintained. Now, this is either true or false; but, if it be true and I most firmly believe it-surely it is a truth to which it is our clearest interest to keep our eyes open. What have been the facts of the case this year? A peddling majority of sixteen, got by a trick, kept Maynooth this year upon the Consolidated Fund, and kept it off the estimates. Next year, if things remain as they are, and the question be adroitly raised, no human power can save the Maynooth grant from being put upon the estimates; and, if it be put upon the estimates, how long, as I have already asked, can it possibly remain there? Once on the estimates, is to be once off the estimates; and, if we rigidly stand out, shutting our eyes to fact and common sense, we shall some fine morning find ourselves minus the Maynooth grant, and no preparation made to supply the frightful hiatus. It must go, and it will go. I am persuaded that we have no power over the ultimate result; but I am persuaded that we have power to bring about a reasonable settlement. There are not ten bigots in the House, if so many, who would object to making a settlement of this question, which in some sort might be called reasonable. I take it that no one, or hardly any one, would object to an arrangement by which the extinction of the Maynooth grant should be gradual instead of sudden. I imagine that if we were to consent to the introduction of a Bill by which all existing interests were saved-under which the existing possessor retained his salary so long as he retained his office-under which all existing students retained their interests-and the people of Ireland took upon them gradually, and in course of years, to bear the entire burthen of Maynooth, I imagine that some such arrangement as this might be almost unanimously adopted. The other alternative I imagine to be to maintain an obstinate fight for the money, and to lose it suddenly, and without preparation of any kind. The facts I believe to be as I have now stated them-which of the two alternatives are we to choose?' 66 Another, a Roman Catholic, and a Member of Parliament, thus expresses himself: "It is my firm conviction,' says Mr. John Ball, M.P. for Carlow, 'derived from all I have seen and heard in the House of Commons, that this is a serious, and may become a fatal, mistake. There is a large and organized party in England and Scotland, whose views do not stop short of a repeal of the Emancipation Act, if they do not go even further; and this party, openly encouraged by the leaders of the Tory opposition, is determined to take every means of effecting, step by step, the objects which they contemplate. It is a dangerous delusion to imagine that the present* Government can protect us. * From "Protestant Magazine," May, 1854. A great change has taken place of late years in political parties. Three-fourths of the habitual supporters of the present Government are men who agree with it on many points, but who owe it no allegiance, and frequently vote against it. I believe the great majority of the present Government to be perfectly sincere in their opposition; but many of their supporters, including more than half the Scotch Members, are ready to join in any attack upon us, and, in fact, are elected on that professed ground. I do not understand the policy of those Catholics who think it a matter of indifference whether we have a Government that openly joins our enemies or one that does what is possible to protect us; but I am quite sure that in either case we must lose no time in doing all in our power to protect ourselves.' "Petitions have now for many years been sent up to Parliament against the grant to Maynooth College; and though some grow weary of petitioning, and all may say that the prayer of their petitions does not meet with the attention which was expected from Parliament, yet we believe much good has been effected by them. "They indicate the feeling of the country, and have weight as expressing the heartfelt, conscientious convictions of intelligent Protestants upon a subject on which they justly feel strongly. "Of late years much has been done in Parliament, as well as out of Parliament, upon the question of this grant. "Greater vigilance and activity have been displayed in detecting and resisting pro-Popery grants and measures, whether in small or in great matters. "An attempt, nearly successful, and one which might have been quite so, if only the Protestants in Parliament had been united, was made by Mr. Spooner, on Monday, July 3, 1854, when the Public Revenue and Consolidated Fund Charges Bill was brought forward. "On the motion for a third reading of this Bill, Mr. Spooner moved to add to Schedule B, 'the President, Vice-President, and students of Maynooth College, and the expenses of the establishment, enacted by 8th and 9th of Victoria, chap. 25.' "On a division, the numbers were,— For the Amendment (Mr. Spooner's) Majority 90 106 16 "The effect of this Motion, had it been successful, would have been to place Maynooth in the annual estimates, from which it might any year have been removed by a vote of the House of Commons. "Not discouraged by his defeat, Mr. Spooner again, on Thursday, August 3rd, 1854, when the House of Commons went into Committee on the 'Public Revenue and Consolidated Fund Charges (No. 2) Bill,' moved to include in Schedule B, the charges for Maynooth College, which Motion, after a short debate, was negatived by 108 to 43. For the Motion 6 "On this occasion the then Chancellor of the Exchequer having expressed a hope that the House would summarily dispose of the question, Mr. Disraeli adverted to the subject as one of the most important questions which can possibly interest Parliament.' He pointed out that questions of this character had been repeatedly introduced in the present and the preceding sessions of Parliament. One day,' he continued, we have had a discussion whether there should be an endowment for Roman Catholic education; then there has been a question raised as to the inspection of conventual establishments; again there has been a question regarding the Roman Catholic oath-as to what it really means—what is its main purpose and import; that is hardly noticed before we |