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If a priest is questioned by a magistrate as to matters which he has learned by confession alone, he ought to reply that he is ignorant of them ; nay, he ought to swear to it, which he may do without danger of falsehood. It is added on the authority of Estius, that in doing so he neither lies nor equivocates, since he frames a true reply to the intention of the person interrogating him ; because the magistrate asks him what he knows “ in his character as a man,not what he knows as God.'

“ We are also told that secrets so acquired cannot be revealed even though the life of a fellow-creature or even the safety of the State may depend upon it.

“So was it, too, with Popery of old.

“Garnet said, 'He was bound to keep the secrets of confession, and to disclose nothing that he had heard in sacramental confession.'

“ Whereupon the Earl of Nottingham asked him, 'If one confessed this day to him that to-morrow morning he meant to kill the king with a dagger, if he must conceal it ?

“ Whereunto Garnet answered, • That he must conceal it?'

“ Thus we find the principles of Popery, as recorded in our State Trials relative to the events of 1605, identical with the principles of Popery in 1855.

“ The lapse of 250 years has made no change in them, though Protestants seem to have fancied the contrary. The wish, no doubt, was father to the thought.

“Sir James Graham said, some time ago, concessions had reached their limits; but more have since been made. Indeed, some are apprehensive lest repeated concessions to Popery may bring us to this -that having long neglected to protect ourselves against the insidious encroachments or the bold aggressions of that system, we may have lost the power of successfully doing so; and find, that as in time past we have had the power without the desire to move, so we may have the will to act, but be destitute of the power of acting. Possibly this may be the case if we go further Romeward. We hope not.

“ This the people must determine. There are not wanting signs in high quarters of the way in which Popery has been pressing upon the springs of Government, and even now is doing so.

" To various successive Administrations to the Peers the hereditary guardians of our rights and liberties—the public has long looked in vain, and will continue to do so, while the country itself remains inactive. The Constitution precludes, in the present day, the long existence of an Administration that has not a majority in the House of Commons.

“ This can be attained only through the instrumentality of the electors. It is for them to return a Parliament which will enable a Cabinet to exist, independent of all Romish or pro-Popery support. If, then, they are supine and indifferent, they will have themselves to blame-if their liberties, sacred and political, achieved for them by the self-denying efforts, the fervid zeal, the untiring activity, the welldirected and long-sustained energy of their ancestors, are impaired in their hand, and lost altogether to their posterity.

“ Let me ask you, Sir, to do what you can to induce electors to put VOL. XVII.

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their shoulders to the wheel, and make at the next election—not very far distant-one long pull, a strong pull, and a pull all together, in the right direction, bearing in mind that Heaven helps those who help themselves, and the watchword, that · England expects every man to do bis duty.' is I have the honour to be, Sir, your obedient servant,

"JAMES LORD. “1, Mitre-court-buildings, Temple, April 7."

THE IMPERIAL VISIT. RECEPTION AT GUILDHALI, THURSDAY, APRIL 19. The Members of the Administration present were Lord Palmerston, the Earl of Clarendon, the Marquis of Lansdowne, Lord Panmure, Lord Canning, Sir G. Grey, Sir C. Wood, the Duke of Argyll, Sir W. Molesworth, Mr. V. Smith, Sir B. Hall, and Mr. B. Osborne, all of whom, with the exception of Mr. Osborne, wore the Windsor uniform.

There were also among the company Lord Hardinge, the Bishop of London, the Marquis of Salisbury, the Earl of Harrowby, Mr. Masterman, M.P., Baron Haussman, Prefect of the Department of the Seine, and other distinguished French visitors.

At a quarter-past two o'clock a flourish of trumpets at the entrance announced the approach of the Imperial visitors. A civic procession, headed by the Lord Mayor, advanced to meet their Majesties.

When the Emperor and Empress, who walked a short distance apart, entered the open space in front of the daïs, the Emperor paused for a moment, and bowed to the Members of the Common Council, who were ranged on either side. His Imperial Majesty and the Empress then proceeded to their chairs of state, and the Empress having seated herself, conversed for some moments with the Lady Mayoress. The Emperor, who appeared somewhat fatigued, remained standing. The Imperial suite stood immediately on the right of his Majesty.

When the Emperor and Empress reached their places a loud cheer burst from the spectators, and the Lord Mayor with his attendants, and the Aldermen and members of the Entertainment Committee retired down the central avenue. After the lapse of a few minutes the civic body again reappeared, and the Lord Mayor, accompanied by the Recorder, and followed by the Aldermen and the members of the Entertainment Committee, approached the Imperial visitors. The Recorder then read the following Address :

TO HIS IMPERIAL MAJESTY THE EMPEROR OF THE FRENCH. “May it please your Majesty,

“We, the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons of the City of London, in Common Council assembled, desire to offer to your Majesty our heartfelt congratulations on the arrival of your Majesty and the Empress of the French in this country as the guests of our Most Gracious Queen ; and, on behalf of our fellow-citizens and ourselves, we humbly tender to your Majesties the warmest expression of our gratitude for the welcome visit by which you have deigned to honour our city on this memorable day.

The attention of Europe and the world is already fixed on the attitude of dignity and united strength displayed by France and Great Britain in the present war, and the coming of your Majesty, invited by our beloved Queen at such a time, will draw closer the bonds of mutual friendship and common interest so happily uniting the two countries.

“ The cordial alliance of two such mighty Powers, cemented and sealed by intimate and frank intercourse between their rulers, must sway the destinies of all, will abate the pride of our common enemies, ncrease the confidence of our allies, and give new vigour to our arnis.

“ By the wise policy of your Majesty's reign all our ancient jealousies have been appeased, and the flags of France and England now mingle their colours alike in the Baltic, and in the East. Ranged together in a righteous cause, braving like hardships, and shedding their blood side by side in victory, the soldiery of our united armies and the seamen of our combined fleets have learnt to regard each other with the love of brave and generous comrades, second only to the love they bear their respective countries, and while such are the feelings, we rejoice that sentiments akin to these are growing daily and sinking deeply into the breasts of the people of these great and neighbouring nations.

“ None can doubt that the Allied forces thus animated, led in perfect harmony by commanders of tried skill and valour, and guided by united counsels at home, will achieve by arms the just and unambitious object of the present war; unless, as we may hope, the efforts of assembled statesmen shall yet avert the calamities of protracted warfare by the speedier negotiations of an honourable and enduring peace.

“ This cordial reception, therefore, of the chosen and puissant Emperor of the French by the illustrious Sovereign who reigns over these realms and lives in the hearts of the British people we regard as a type of a close and lasting friendship between the two nations, and the happiest augury of a returning time when, undisturbed in the onward course of civilization, the nations of Europe may again lay aside the sword, and resume their exalted rivalry in the works of beneficence alone.

“ We are earnestly anxious further to express to your Imperial Majesty the lively pleasure and respectful admiration with which we have seen you accompanied on this happy occasion by your illustrious Consort her Majesty the Empress of the French. We tender to your Majesty the expression of our confident hope that you may ever find in the affections of domestic life the best solace and support which this world can afford under the care and weight of the high destiny you are now fulfilling with such conspicuous power and moderation, and we fervently pray that life and health may, by the blessing of Providence, be vouchsafed to your Majesties for many years to come.”

The Empress rose from her seat before the Recorder commenced reading the Address, and, with the Emperor, remained standing. When the passage alluding to the Consort of the Emperor was read a loud and prolonged cheer rang through the Hall, and was smilingly and graciously acknowledged by the illustrious object of the compliment.

At the conclusion of the Address the Recorder advanced, with the usual obeisances, and placed a copy of it in the hands of the Emperor, who, after a short pause, proceeded to read, in a firm and distinct voice, though with a slightly foreign accent, the following reply :

“My Lord Mayor,- After the cordial reception I have experienced from the Queen, nothing could affect me more deeply than the sentiments towards the Empress and myself to which you, my Lord Mayor, have given expression on the part of the City of London ; for the City of London represents the available resources which a world-wide commerce affords both for civilization and for war. Flattering as are your praises, I accept them, because they are addressed much more to France than to myself; they are addressed to a nation whose interests are to-day everywhere identical with your own (loud applause); they are addressed to an army and navy united to yours by an heroic companionship in danger and in glory (renewed applause); they are addressed to the policy of the two Governments, which is based on truth, on moderation, and on justice. For myself I have retained on the throne the same sentiments of sympathy and esteem for the English people that I professed as an exile (loud and prolonged cheering) while I enjoyed here the hospitality of your Queen; and if I have acted in accordance with my convictions, it is that the interests of the nation which has chosen me, no less than that of universal civilization, has made it a duty. Indeed, England and France are naturally united on all the great questions of politics and of human progress that agitate the world. From the shores of the Atlantic to those of the Mediterranean from the Baltic to the Black Sea—from the desire to abolish slavery to our hopes for the amelioration of all the coutries of Europe

- I see in the moral as in the political world for our two nations but one course and one end. (Applause.) It is, then, only by unworthy considerations and pitiful rivalries that our union could be dissevered. If we follow the dictates of common sense alone, we shall be sure of the future. (Loud applause.) You are right in interpreting my presence among you as a fresh and convincing proof of my energetic co-operation in the prosecution of the war, if we fail in obtaining an honourable peace. (Applause.) Should we so fail, although our difficulties may be great, we may surely count on a successful result ; for not only are our soldiers and sailors of tried valour—not only do our two countries possess within themselves unrivalled resources--but above all —and here lies their superiority—it is because they are in the van of all generous and enlightened ideas. The eyes of all who suffer instinctively turn to the West. Thus our two nations are even more powerful from the opinions they represent than by the armies and fleets they have at their command. (Great applause.) I am deeply grateful to your Queen for affording me this solemn opportunity of expressing to you my own sentiments and those of France, of which I ain the interpreter. I thank you in my own name and in that of the Empress for the frank and hearty cordiality with which you have received us. (Applause.) We shall take back with us to France the lasting impression, made on minds thoroughly able to appreciate it, of the imposing spectacle which England presents, where virtue on the throne directs the destinies of a country under the empire of a liberty without danger to its grandeur.

The moment the Emperor concluded his reply a loud cheer was raised by those who were in a position to hear its purport, which was taken up and re-echoed by the occupants of the remoter of the Hall.

BOYLE v. WISEMAN. A weekly paper, the “ Christian Times," has a leading article with the above heading, commencing thus :

“ Cardinal Wiseman has at last been overtaken by British justice. Though admitted to sit by the side of the Judge-why we cannot say, as he fills no magisterial office under the Crown of England-he had to hear language that is properly addressed only to a culprit at the bar: The defendant had not pleaded justification, and by that course he admitted that the charges he had made were false. The jury bave given a verdict which shows their strong sense of the injustice of which Dr. Wiseman has been guilty, and of which the 1,0001. damages, large as they are, can be but a small reparation. Thus, then, this · Prince of the Church,' who so lately startled all England from its propriety by bis arrogant assumptions, stands convicted as a malicious libeller, making charges which he knows to be false, and endeavouring, by the tyrannical exercise of his enormous power, to crush a priest whose only fault was a slowness to give up his living to make room for one of the rich perverts from the Church of England, whom it had pleased the Cardinal to honour. Cowardice and cunning prevailed for a time to screen the culprit from the consequences of his act, but justice does not sleep for ever.”

We were desirous of giving a condensed report of this trial; but want of space prevents our doing so.

“ Mr. Baron Platt, in sumning up, said that he and the jury had nothing whatever to do with either Protestant or Catholic, and their only object was to discover the truth, and to decide according to the evidence laid before them. The plaintiff charged the defendant with having published a malicious libel concerning him, and he asked for damages for the injury he had sustained in consequence of the publi.cation of that libel; and he must say that he could not help expressing his regret that a gentleman like Cardinal Wiseman, a scholar, and a man of high attainments, should appear classed in the same category with a malicious libeller. That the charge made against the plaintiff amounted in law to a libel there could be no doubt, and a libel coming from the pen of such a man as Cardinal Wiseman, was, of course, calculated to have much more effect than if it was written by an ordinary person. The defendant had not pleaded a justification, and by that course he admitted that the charges he made were false. The jury would therefore consider the nature of those charges, and all the other facts in the case ; and it would then be their duty to say what amount of damages the plaintiff was entitled to for the injury he had sustained by the publication of the libel in question,

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