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spite of the check received in the Crimean War, she again engaged Turkey in 1877, but the interposition of other powers robbed her of the best fruits of her victory. England, by the occupation of Egypt in 1882 and by "protecting" the country ever since, has guarded that important highway to India, the Suez Canal, and retained an indirect influence in Turkish affairs. Great Britain as well as other European powers, has gained territory in Africa and elsewhere, and extended an empire already vast. That the relations of dependencies like Canada to the imperial government present certain difficulties, has been shown by such cases as the fishery and sealing disputes with the United States.

One hundred years have seen great changes in Europe, not only in the rearrangement and consolidation of governments, but in social and political ideas. In most cases the forms of monarchy have been retained, but outside of Russia the theory of "divine right" goes begging. The democratic spirit is growing rapidly in Germany; England's royalty is hardly more than an historical and sentimental appendage to an essentially republican government; Italy's constitution is liberal; Austria, though still accounted conservative, is by no means Metternich's ideal state; Spain seems likely at almost any time to make another republican experiment; Belgium, Holland, Sweden, are far from oppressive kingdoms; and little Switzerland through all these stormy years has maintained with slight changes her sturdy republicanism.



THE young republic, in its infancy, was confronted with diplomatic problems quite as serious and perplexing as any that have since occupied the attention of its statesmen. The chief difficulties of Washington's administration were found in the preservation of peace with foreign powers, and the necessity of peace was never so urgent. The states were just recovering from the devastation and impoverishment of an eight years' war; they had no army and no navy; the revenues were meager, and the public debt was large. The populated portion of the country was but a narrow strip of land along the Atlantic coast, with harbors unprotected and nearly every city of commercial importance within range of the guns of a hostile fleet. Behind these settlements were tribes of savages in a continual state of irritation that was caused and increased to a large degree by foreign influences.

It may be said that throughout the entire world there was a general and genuine sympathy with the infant nation, England alone excepted, notwithstanding the fact that the success of popular government in America was a menace to the thrones of Europe. When Washington became President in 1789, six years after the close of the struggle for independence, eight treaties had been concluded with foreign powers. Embodied in these treaties was a policy whose broad statesman

ship and ripe wisdom commanded the respect and admiration of the world, and furnished an example that has had a powerful and perpetual influence upon the diplomacy of all civilized nations. Benjamin Franklin, John Adams, and other patriots,

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skill and candor not only succeeded in securing acknowledg


ment of the rights of the republic,

but the recognition of principles of international law more just and generous than had ever before been enunciated. More than

thirty years afterwards, Lord Canning, the British secretary of state for foreign affairs, declared in the House of Com

mons that if a

guide were needed for a system of neutrality it could be found in these documents.

But Washington had scarcely taken his seat as President when he found himself involved in the most serious complica

tions with France, which had been our ally during the Revolution, as well as with Great Britain, which refused to comply with the terms of the treaty of peace. In this treaty, made in 1783, England agreed to abandon, without delay, all fortifications and military posts within the boundaries of the United States; but in 1789 her army still remained in possession of Detroit, Niagara, Oswego, Lake Champlain, Ogdensburg, Mackinaw, and other points which commanded the northern and western frontier of the country, as her fleets commanded the harbors on the Atlantic. At the same time England refused to pay the damages agreed upon for carrying off slaves at the close of the war, and forbade trade between the United States and her colonies in the West Indies, whence came our supplies of sugar, coffee, and other tropical products.

As an excuse for this England charged that the United States had neglected to restore the confiscated estates of citizens who had remained loyal to the crown during the Revolution, and prevented the collection of debts of American citizens contracted in London and other British cities before the war. She had refused to send a minister to this country, and by other means shown contempt for her former colonies. For three weary years John Adams remained in London endeavoring to secure an adjustment of the difficulties, and then returned to the United States to assume the office of Vice President, to which he had been elected. Gouverneur Morris, who was residing in Paris, was sent to London to see what he could do, and succeeded in persuading the British government to send a minister to the United States, but he made no further progress, and in 1791 Thomas Pinckney was appointed as his successor. Under instructions from Mr. Jefferson, then secretary of state, Mr. Pinckney earnestly pressed the claims of the United States, demanding that the posts upon the frontier should be evacuated; that free navigation should be

permitted upon the lakes and rivers that formed the boundary with Canada; that the fur trade in the Northwest should not be interrupted; that American seamen should not be impressed into the British service; and that other causes of complaint should be removed. But, although Mr. Jefferson wrote many long and convincing arguments, Mr. Pinckney was kept waiting in the anteroom of the foreign office at London, where he got few replies and no satisfaction.

Then came the troubles with France. In 1778, to secure her friendship and assistance, the American colonies, then in the midst of the Revolution, made a treaty of alliance with that government, under which they guaranteed to protect the French possessions in America. They also stipulated that French privateers should always have the right to seek refuge in our harbors to obtain provisions and other supplies; and to bring into them for sale or repair any vessels that they might capture at sea. This was a favorable treaty for the United States when we were at war with England, but when we were trying to preserve peace with her it was not; for France, being, now in open hostilities with England, demanded the privileges which the treaty bestowed. If our government adhered to the terms of the treaty it meant another war with England; a violation of those terms threatened a war with France.

To make the situation more serious there was a bitter and determined struggle between the two political parties in the United States. The Democrats, or Republicans, for the same party was then known by both names, under the leadership of Jefferson, were outspoken in their hostility to England; and the Federalists, with Alexander Hamilton at their head, favored a conciliatory policy and a strict adherence to neutrality toward the European powers. Both leaders were members of Washington's cabinet and the struggle was carried

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